I have just completed a preliminary draft of the Index. This was an interesting examination of who, and what was included in the manuscript. This study also gave me a decent understanding of how many of the 7^th Tennessee’s soldiers, and how many Tennessee civilians had a place in the book. In total, 531 different Tennessean soldiers were mentioned, as well as 34 civilians. The breakdown by company is as follows:

I have included the Index’s draft in its entirety:

Abner, James (Co. B), 291.

Alabama Battalion (5^th AL), 8, 12, 14, 66, 72, 74, 106, 134, 149, 164.

Alabama Infantry (13^th), 14, 111, 131, 134, 149, 192.

Alexander, Benjamin (Co. H), 350.

Alexander, Samuel (Co. H), 375.

Alexandria, TN, 203.

Allegheny College, PA, 20.

Allen, John (Co. B), 11, 12, 13, 22, 23, 28, 64, 126, 142, 149, 151, 157, 163, 164, 169, 172, 176, 177, 231, 232, 244, 245, 258, 288.

Allen, William (Co. G), 342.

Amelia Court House, VA, 250, 251.

Allison, Robert (Co. A), 51.

Anderson, Cator (Co. I), 359.

Anderson, Joseph (Co. C), 85.

Anderson, Joseph (Dr.), 55.

Anderson, Mary, 55.

Anderson, Mead (Co. I), 174, 177, 359.

Anderson, Mitchell (Co. K), 169, 367.

Anderson, Monroe (Co. D), 11.

Anderson, Oren (Co. I), 177, 359.

Anderson, Robert (Co. K), 176, 369.

Anderson, Sarah, 55.

Anderson, Samuel (CS), 28, 57.

Anthony, Joseph (Co. I), 11.

Apple, Anthony (Co. B), 290.

Appomattox Court House, VA, 252.

Archer’s Brigade, 8, 16, 74, 103, 105, 111, 112, 149.

Archer, James (CS), 1, 4, 5, 8, 10, 65, 66, 68, 69, 72, 75, 77, 79, 82, 84, 86, 87, 88, 91, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 103, 106, 111, 112, 114, 115, 118, 119, 123, 127, 128, 129, 131, 132, 140, 141, 223, 224, 225, 229, 231, 232, 233.

Artillery barrage (July 3^rd), 153-156.

Athens, TN, 57.

Atwell, William (Co. A), 375.

Ayers, Romeyn (US), 226, 227.

Ayers, Rufus (Co. F), 77, 79.

Baber, James (Co. C), 11, 40.

Baber, William (Co. C), 127, 219, 304.

Bailey, Thomas (Co. D), 77, 78.

Bailiff, Joab (Co. A), 125, 282.

Baird, Hugh (Co. F), 228.

Baird, Martin (Co. K), 86, 176, 366.

Baird, Sarah, 265.

Baird, William (Co. G), 178, 340.

Baird, William (Co. I), 106.

Ballentine, Frederick (Co. G), 375.

Barner, William (Co. D), 224.

Bashaw, Joseph P. (Co. I), 13, 14, 36, 86, 90, 117, 130, 162, 163, 170, 171, 175, 178, 179, 183, 185, 187, 189, 207, 208, 210, 216, 220, 221, 222, 223, 228, 240, 258, 358.

Bass, Francis (Co. I), 235, 241, 360.

Bass, James (Co. I), 186, 195, 232, 356.

Bass, Oren (Co. I), 69.

Bass, Sion (Co. K), 376.

Bath, VA, 45.

Beard, Thomas (Co. I), 61.

Beasley, Henry (Co. B), 291.

Benning, Henry (CS), 95.

Berry, Harris (Co. D), 86.

Birney, David (US), 85, 205.

Black, David (Co. B), 291.

Blackburn, Elisha (Co. E), 195, 325.

Blair, Andrew (Co. B), 292.

Blair, Henry (Co. I), 6.

Bledsoe, Alexander (Co. E), 96.

Bliss farm, PA, 148.

Boddy, Elijah (Co. C), 304.

Bond, James (Co. G), 99, 100.

Bond, Monroe (Co. G), 23.

Bostick, Abram (Staff), 62, 66.

Bostick, Thomas (Co. K), 11, 44, 45, 50, 124.

Boulton, John (Co. B), 292.

Boulton, William (Co. B), 292.

Boyd, William (CS), 66.

Bradley, Andrew ‘Jack’ (Co. B), 70, 177, 293.

Bradley, James (Co. B), 290.

Bradley, James (Staff), 156, 232, 376.

Bradley, William (Co. B), 173, 177, 247, 293.

Bradshaw, Hartwell (Co. G), 174, 342.

Bradshaw, William (Co. D), 70.

Branch, Lawrence (CS), 74, 90.

Brandon, Charles (Co. K), 369.

Branham, David (Co. C), 307.

Brashnahan, Thomas (Co. C), 167, 308.

Braxton’s Battery (CS), 58.

Brier Creek, TN, 204.

Brockenbrough, John CS), 193.

Brooklyn Infantry (14^th), 130.

Brown, Alfred (Co. C), 170, 308.

Brown, Enoch (Co. B), 50.

Brown, Milton (Co. E), 170, 326.

Brown, Thomas (Co. D), 106.

Bruce, Harriet, 32.

Bruce, William (Co. D), 32.

Buchanan, Felix (CS), 134.

Buck, Calvin (Co. C), 308.

Buck, James (Co. C), 60, 309.

Buck, Madison (Co. C), 62.

Buford, Thomas (Co. H), 259.

Burke, James (Co. C), 309.

Burnside, Ambrose (US), 218.

Cage, Jesse (Co. E), 206, 243, 324.

Cage, John (Co. E), 376.

Calef, John US), 123.

Campbell, Frank (Co. H), 46.

Canary, John (Co. D), 189, 377.

Cantrell, Stephen (Co. C), 309.

Capehart, Thomas (Co. K), 198.

Carlisle, George (Co. B), 92.

Carlisle, William (Co. B), 114.

Carson, Benjamin (Co. D), 317.

Carter, John (Co. D), 314.

Carter, John (Staff), 86, 165.

Carthage, TN, 11, 222.

Cartmell, Robert (Co. H), 350.

Cartwright, John (Co. K), 76.

Cashtown, PA, 9, 120, 121.

Castleman, Gad (Co. C), 377.

Cato, William (Co. K), 7, 13, 124, 129, 130, 136, 137, 144, 145, 150, 160, 161, 172, 173, 176, 179, 180, 182, 183, 204, 245, 367.

Catron, Elizabeth, 30.

Cedar Run (battle), 7, 75-79, 142.

Chamberlain, Foster (Co. D), 86.

Chamberlain, James (Co. D), 86.

Chambersburg Pike, PA, 14, 15, 16.

Chancellorsville (battle), 7, 111-116.

Chapman, Chesley (Co. A), 67.

Charlottesville, VA, 27.

Chattanooga, TN, 26.

Cheat Mountain, WV, 34, 35, 37.

Cheek, James (Co. E), 114.

Cheek, John (Co. A), 169, 205, 281.

Chestnut Mount ,TN, 33.

Chimborazo hospital, VA, 63.

Clark, Edward (Co. C), 86, 259.

Clark, Reuben (Co. C), 260.

Clarksville, TN, 233.

Clemens, John (Co. I), 215, 357.

Clemens, Thomas (Co. I), 247, 356.

Clemens, William (Co. K), 369.

Clendening, James (Co. C), 310.

Clendening, William (Co. E), 83, 85, 216.

Close, John (Co. A), 96, 215, 283.

Coe, Andrew (Co. D), 21, 69.

Coe, Martin Van Buren (Co. A), 21, 37.

Cole, William (Co. E), 326.

Conditt, William (Co. B), 188, 293.

Connecticut Infantry (8^th), 98.

Connecticut Infantry (14^th), 167, 168, 178, 179, 182.

Conscription Act, 49.

Cook, Salura, 258.

Copeland, Thomas (Co. E), 99.

Corder, James (Co. B), 22, 28, 29, 232, 377.

Corey, Richard (Co. F), 335.

Cowen, George (Co. A), 127, 178, 279.

Craddock, Mary, 165.

Craft, James (Co. F), 228, 335.

Crane, James (CS), 222.

Criswell, James (Co. I), 360.

Criswell, John (Co. H), 378.

Criswell, Robert (Co. I), 360.

Crump, John (Co. C), 70.

Cumberland University, 4, 17, 47, 55.

Cullom, Marietta, 258.

Curd, William (Co. I), 64, 69.

Curry, Benjamin (Co. G), 218, 341.

Curry, John (Co. G), 343.

Custer, George (US), 241, 253.

Dailey, Daniel (US), 131.

Davis, Jefferson (CS Pres.), 47, 48, 58.

Davis, Joseph, (CS), 15, 132, 224, 242.

Davis, Richard (Co. I), 61, 378.

Davis, Squire (Co. F), 61.

Davis, Thomas (Co. A), 62, 226, 378.

Dawson, Isaac (Co. B), 28, 29, 126, 294.

Delaware Infantry (1^st), 168, 178.

Derickson, Joseph (Co. B), 88.

Derickson, Samuel (Co. B), 294.

Devin, Thomas (US), 241.

Dillard, Paleaman (Co. B), 178, 294.

Dixon Springs, TN, 156.

Doak, Rufus (Co. H), 85, 260.

Donnell, Elihu (Co. H), 79.

Donnell, James (Co. A), 174, 283.

Donnell, John (Co. D), 316.

Dorris, Samuel (Co. E), 99.

Dowell, Jonathan (Co. A), 11, 60, 64, 125, 133, 149, 279.

Douglas, Dewitt (Co. E), 11, 27.

Douglas, James (Co. C), 305.

Drake, Jackson (Co. K), 370.

Drake, Martin (Co. K), 97.

Duke, Samuel (Co. B), 295.

Dunn, Blackwell (Co. E), 181, 324.

Early, Jubal (CS), 107.

Eatherly, John (Co. I), 175, 179, 361.

Eatherly, Martin (Co. I), 361.

Eatherly, Pleasant (Co. I), 61.

Eatherly, Winfield (Co. H), 227, 351.

Eddins, William (Co. K), 70.

Edwards, Buck (Co. G), 61.

Edwards, John (Co. G), 379.

Edwards, Julius (Co. C), 306.

Elliott, William (Co. C), 228, 310.

Ellis, Theodore US), 168, 184.

Eltson, John (Co. E), 326.

Emmitsburg Rd., PA, 171, 172, 173, 176, 177, 180, 182, 183.

Emrique, Alphonso (Co. A), 67, 206, 283.

Etson, John (Co. E), 178.

Eubanks, Gilmore (Co. C), 106.

Evitts, Samuel (Co. D), 317.

Evitts, William (Co. D), 318.

Ewell, Richard (CS), 251.

Falling Waters, MD, 191.

Ferguson, Benjamin (Co. B), 39.

Ferrill, Benjamin (Co. D), 233, 234, 318.

Ferrill, James (Co. B), 76, 261.

Fite, James (Dr.), 51, 61, 63, 67, 72, 73, 78, 111, 155, 165, 167, 185, 187, 188, 196, 232, 236, 379.

Fite, John (Staff), 4, 5, 10, 11, 15, 16, 22, 23, 27, 28, 29, 32, 33, 37, 39, 42, 44, 45, 57, 58, 60, 63, 65, 66, 67, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 101, 103, 104, 113, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 123, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134, 137, 147, 148, 149, 151, 156, 157, 160, 161, 162, 165, 166, 168, 171, 172, 174, 176, 177, 181, 183, 184, 185, 277.

Floyd, Robert (Co. A), 379.

Forbes, William CS), 58, 74.

Forbis, Henry (Co. K), 173, 370.

Forrester, Thomas (Co. C), 76, 79.

Foster, Andrew (Co. G), 173, 343.

Foster, Oliver (Co. C), 106, 115, 146, 304.

Foutch, Francis (Co. A), 284.

Foutch, Levi (Co. A), 284.

Franklin, James (Co. E), 64, 75, 163.

Ft. Delaware, DE, 64, 141.

Ft. Donelson, TN, 46.

Frazer, Frank (Co. E), 173, 327.

Fredericksburg Battery, 8.

Fredericksburg (battle), 103-108.

Freeman, James (Co. D), 317.

Freeman, Robert (Co. D), 38.

Freeman, George (Co. E), 234, 327.

Fry, Birkett (CS), 118, 119, 133, 134, 136, 138, 141, 147, 149, 151, 155, 156, 161, 181, 217, 218, 223, 224.

Fry, John (Co. C), 116.

Fry’s Brigade, 222, 223.

Gaines Mill (battle), 143.

Gallatin, TN, 17, 41, 50, 163.

Garrett, James (Co. E), 325.

Garrett, William (Co. E), 179, 325.

George, Newton (CS), 185.

Georgia Infantry (19^th), 66, 72, 74, 84, 105, 111.

Getty, George (US), 205.

Gettysburg (battle), 14-16, 123-184.

Gettysburg, PA, 1, 2, 8, 121.

Gibbs, Frederick (Co. B), 116.

Gibbs, Richard (Co. B), 76, 229, 245.

Gillespie, Jessie (Co. E), 380.

Gladesville, TN, 2, 129.

Goodall, Frank (Co. B), 105, 215.

Goodner, John (Staff), 19, 25, 27, 31, 33, 38, 40, 50, 57, 58, 62, 64, 65, 67, 69, 70, 73, 104, 111, 143, 144.

Goodner, Thomas (Co. A), 282.

Gordon, George (CS), 75.

Gordonsville, VA, 73.

Grant, Ulysses (US), 199.

Granville, TN, 39.

Graves, Henry (Co. E), 327.

Graves, James (Co. D), 62.

Graves, Samuel (Co. D), 380.

Graves, William (Co. G), 23, 100, 105, 169, 205, 232, 339.

Gray, James (Co. E), 96, 173, 328.

Gregg, Maxcy (CS), 68, 110.

Gregston, George (Co. A), 114.

Green Hill, TN, 41, 69.

Greencastle, PA, 188, 189.

Greer, George (Col. I), 361.

Greer, Joe (Co. B), 22, 23.

Grier, Elijah (Co. I), 32.

Griffin, Isaac (Co. I), 213.

Griffin, William (Co. A), 282.

Griffin, William (Co. K), 368.

Grisham, George (Co. H), 76.

Grissom, James (Co. G), 183, 343.

Grissom, Thomas (Co. G), 70,

Gutheridge, Robinson (Dr.), 51.

Guthrie, William (Co. E), 114.

Gwyn, William (Co. I), 362.

Hager, Reuben (Co. G), 106.

Hagerstown, MD, 4.

Hagerstown Rd., PA, 135, 136.

Hale, James (Co. B), 253, 254, 295.

Hale, John (Co. B), 114, 172, 181, 205.

Hale, Thomas (Co. K), 261.

Hall, Andrew (Co. I), 114.

Hall, John (Co. B), 179, 295.

Hallum, George (Co. I), 362.

Hamblin, Joseph (Co. I), 358.

Hamilton, David (Co. H), 61, 226, 245, 262, 351.

Hamilton, George (Co. E), 178, 328.

Hamilton, John (Co. H), 173, 253, 349.

Hamilton, Joseph (Co. F), 30.

Hamilton, Joseph (Co. H), 101, 102, 351.

Hancock, VA, 44.

Hancock, Winfield (US), 207.

Hardwick, Thomas (Co. E), 60.

Harkreader, Henry (Co. I), 76, 79, 381.

Harkreader, William (Co. I), 85, 87.

Harlin, John (Co. H), 117, 129, 352.

Harper’s Ferry (battle), 90-92.

Harris, Ferguson (Co. H), 30, 62, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 83, 103, 106, 115, 116, 117, 124, 125, 126, 147, 148, 164, 166, 183, 188, 190, 202, 214, 215, 233, 234, 235, 246, 348.

Harris, Hart (Co. D), 106, 170, 315.

Harris, Isham, 17, 18, 28, 257.

Harris, James (Staff), 149, 232, 381.

Harrison, Clark (Co. H), 41,

Harrison, William (Co. G), 129, 139, 344.

Harrison, William H. (Co. G), 344.

Hastings, Thomas, 47.

Hatcher, Thomas (Co. D), 189, 381.

Hatcher’s Run (battle), 242-248.

Hatton, Robert (Staff), 4, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 51, 53, 54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 64, 132, 257.

Hatton, Sophie Reilly, 58, 257.

Hawks, John (Co. G), 344.

Hawkins, John (Co. D), 318.

Hawkins, Richard (Co. H), 262.

Hawkins, William (Co. D), 170, 319.

Hearn, Albert (Co. D), 85.

Hearn, James (Co. D), 179, 319.

Hearn, Richard (Co. D), 319.

Hearn, Thomas (Co. D), 205, 320.

Helleman, George (Co. D), 60.

Helton, TN, 125.

Hendersonville, TN, 181.

Herr Ridge, PA, 14, 132.

Hester, Rufus (Co. C), 310.

Heth, Henry (CS), 2, 3, 117, 119, 121, 128, 134, 150, 191, 194, 196, 202, 205, 208, 210, 211, 213, 214, 217, 218, 222, 226, 228, 233, 246.

Hewgley, William (Co. H), 352.

Hide, Edward (Co. G), 345.

High, Branch (Co. B), 296.

Hill, Ambrose (CS), 2, 3, 66, 73, 89, 91, 98, 103, 119, 138, 194, 249.

Hill, Asoph (Co. F), 91, 96, 179, 180, 263, 333.

Hill, Preston (Co. K), 85, 92.

Hill, William (Co. K), 382.

Hobbs, James (Co. G), 23, 45.

Hogan, Alexander (Co. E), 164, 165, 323.

Holloway, Thomas (Co. H), 9, 10, 61, 106, 126, 127, 138, 139, 142, 143, 160, 166, 167, 170, 172, 173, 175, 181, 352.

Hooker, Joseph (US), 111.

Hope, Samuel (Co. C), 35, 36.

Hopkins, Joseph (Co. B), 296.

Horn, James (Co. B), 33, 296.

Howard, George (Staff), 91, 94, 95, 96, 97, 148, 149, 175, 183, 278.

Howard, John (Staff), 49, 50, 57, 67, 69, 72, 114.

Hubbard, James (Co. C), 61.

Hubbard, Thomas (Co. B), 179, 180, 297.

Huddleston, George (Co. G), 219, 220, 340.

Hughes, Faustulus (Co. I), 382.

Hughes, Robert (Co. D), 129, 320.

Hunter, Burchett (Co. D), 114.

Huntersville, WV, 30, 37.

Hurricane Rifles, 23, 24.

Hurst, Marcus (Co. E), 328.

Hutchens, Lafayette (Co. G), 105.

Idson, John (Co. E), 329.

Illinois Cavalry (8^th), 125, 137.

Imboden, John (CS), 188, 189, 190.

Indiana Infantry (19^th), 131, 132.

Indiana Infantry (27^th), 75, 77.

Indiana Infantry (72^nd), 143, 144.

Ingram, Cassius (Co. C), 60.

Ingram, John (Co. G), 81, 99, 120, 172, 339.

Irby, Robert (Co. B), 85, 196.

Iron Brigade, 128, 131, 132, 135, 139, 140.

Iverson, Alfred (CS), 112.

Jackson, Bailey (Co. C), 305.

Jackson, Robert (Co. H), 83.

Jackson, Thomas (Co. G), 235, 340.

Jackson, Thomas (Stonewall) (CS), 43, 74, 83, 89, 93, 118, 119.

James, William (Co. B), 28, 29.

Jacobs, Susan, 47.

Jennett, David (Co. C), 146, 196, 306.

Jennings, Clem (Co. I), 362.

Jennings, Enos (Co. I), 382.

Jennings, Frank (Co. F), 99.

Jennings, Gideon (Co. F), 336.

Jennings, Jesse (Co. I), 356.

Jennings, John (Co. F), 96.

Jennings, John (Co. I), 170, 205, 357.

Jennings, Newborn (Co. G), 47, 105, 206.

Jennings, Samuel (Co. D), 62, 184, 278.

Jennings, Thomas (Co. F), 170, 333.

Jetton, James (Co. I), 383.

Jewell, James (Co. F), 76.

Johns, William (Co. G), 85.

Johnson, Bushrod (CS), 241.

Johnson, Edward (CS), 195.

Johnson, James (Co. B), 69.

Johnson, Archibald (Co. F), 336.

Johnson, John (Co. A), 109, 182, 284.

Johnson, John (Co. B), 297.

Johnson, John (Co. K), 63.

Johnson, Littleton (Co. G), 76, 79.

Johnson, Richard (Co. B), 289.

Johnson, Thomas (Co. D), 320.

Johnson, Thomas (Co. K), 370.

Johnson, William (Co. F), 32.

Johnson, William (Co. K), 173, 371.

Johnston, Joseph (CS), 59.

Jones, Buck (Co. G), 70.

Jones, David (Dr.), 72.

Jones, Marcellus (8^th IL Cav.), 8.

Jones, William (Co. F), 336.

Jones, William (18^th VT), 214.

Jordan Springs, VA, 97, 100.

Kearney, Philip (US), 85.

Keaton, John (Co. F), 334.

Kennedy, John (Co. G), 227, 345.

Kentucky Infantry (23^rd), 47.

King, Medicus (Co. G), 345.

King, Samuel (Co. B), 178, 297.

King, Thomas (Co. G), 353.

Kirkland, William (CS), 222.

Kirkpatrick, Hugh (Co. E), 329.

Kirkpatrick, William (Co. E), 133, 329, 383.

Kittrell, George (Co. K), 215.

Knight, Elijah (Co. B), 105.

Knight, James (Co. B), 70.

Know Nothing Party, 18.

Knoxville, TN, 26, 27, 193.

Koeph, William (Co. E), 330.

LaGuardo, TN, 79.

Lamberson, George (Co. A), 124, 280.

Lamberson, William (Co. A), 281.

Lane, Charles (Co. I), 129, 363.

Lane, John ‘Jack’ (Co. K), 127, 169, 228, 235, 371.

Lane, John R. (Co. K), 371.

Lane, William (Co. K), 169, 368.

Lanier, John (Co. F), 165, 170, 183, 218, 334.

Lannom, Joseph (Co. G), 142, 143.

Lannom, Nathan (Co. G), 142.

Lannom, Peter (Co. G), 346.

Lapsey, John (Co. B), 219, 289.

Lebanon Grays, 143.

Lebanon, TN, 4, 9, 17, 19, 47, 54, 55, 56, 72, 87, 97, 143.

Lee, Robert E. (CS), 3, 34, 59, 73, 91, 93, 100, 111, 115, 119, 120, 121, 149, 151, 152, 184, 187, 193, 195, 210, 214, 241.

Lester, William (Co. K), 86.

Lewis, William (Co. E), 330.

Liberty, TN, 124.

Lindsey, Robert (Co. H), 353.

Lindsey, William (Co. K), 218.

Little, Romanzoff (Co. D), 315.

Lockport, TN, 183.

Longstreet, James (CS), 73, 208.

Love, James (Co. C), 106.

Love, Joseph (Co. E), 172, 330.

Lownsborough, Thomas (Co. B), 28, 124, 311.

Lowry, Jefferson (Co. C), 311.

Luck, John (Co. A), 178, 285.

Lynch, David (Co. B), 180, 298.

McCall, John (Co. B), 126, 127, 154, 155, 169, 180, 298.

McCall, William (Co. E), 105, 323.

McClain, Al (Co. I), 61.

McClain, Charles (Co. B), 116, 151, 176, 289.

McClain, Henry (Co. I), 70.

McClain, James (Co. H), 114, 264.

McClain, John (Co. I), 383.

McClain, Rufus (Staff), 6, 58, 264, 384.

McClendon, William (Co. D), 321.

McComb, William (CS), 65, 233, 243, 245, 246, 247, 249, 253.

McComb’s Brigade, 240, 242, 244.

McCorkle, William (Co. H), 62, 265.

McDonald, John (Co. H), 96.

McGee, William (Co. B), 173, 298.

McGlothin, Sarah, 24, 269.

McGuire, Hugh (Co. E), 92.

McIntyre, Henry (Co. K), 117.

McKenzie, Parson (Co. K), 83.

McKinney, George (Co. B), 235, 236, 247, 299.

McMurtry, Daniel (Co. E), 384.

McPherson Ridge, PA, 137, 139.

MacKenzie, Hester, 264.

MacRae, William (CS), 242.

Major, James (Co. K), 384.

Major, Martha ‘Mattie’, 141, 142.

Major, Samuel (Co. H), 97.

Mahone, William (CS), 226, 227.

Maloney, Patrick (US), 131.

Manassas (1^st battle), 26, 27, 47.

Manassas (2^nd battle), 83-86.

Manassas Junction, VA, 82, 84.

Maney, George (CS), 32, 46, 47.

Manson, Henry ‘Hal’ (Co. H), 116, 247.

Marsh Creek, PA, 12.

Martin, Andrew (Co. H), 263.

Martin, James (Co. D), 86, 165, 233, 248, 314, 372.

Martin, William (Co. D), 32.

Maryland Infantry (2^nd btn), 222.

Massachusetts Infantry (2^nd), 75, 76, 77.

Massachusetts Infantry (20^th), 60.

Matherly, William (Co. E), 331.

Mathews, Milton (US), 248.

Matlock, William (Co. H), 70.

Mayo, Robert (CS), 211,214, 215, 217.

Mechanicsville (battle), 13, 66-71.

Mexican War, 3, 4, 20, 57, 65, 134.

Michigan Cavalry (4^th), 192.

Michigan Infantry (7^th), 60.

Michigan Infantry (24^th), 131, 132.

Miles, Nelson (US), 249, 250.

Millboro. VA, 29, 40.

Miller, Andrew (Co. D), 117, 233, 247, 248, 314.

Miller, John (Co. H), 349.

Miller, Robert (Co. E), 97, 163, 164, 183, 232, 253, 323.

Mingo Flats, WV, 34, 37.

Mississippi Rifles, 35.

Mitchell, Henry (Co. B), 299.

Moore, John ‘Jack’ (Co. B), 22, 60, 62, 72, 77, 84, 95, 104, 113, 126, 147, 151, 153, 156, 159, 168, 171, 173, 175, 176, 179, 180, 182, 183, 184, 192, 212, 213, 219, 232, 253, 288.

Moore, Theodore (Co. A), 285.

Morgan, John Hunt (CS), 55, 56, 57.

Morris, Hal (Co. H), 117.

Mott, Gershom (US), 205.

Mt. Carmel, TN, 5.

Mt. Juliet, TN, 9.

Mount, Richard ‘Cedar Dick’, 143.

Moxley, James (Co. K), 372.

Moxley, Richard (Co. K), 116, 169, 243.

Mundy, Marcellus (US), 47.

Munsley, William (Co. E), 219.

Murray, George (Co. A), 248, 285.

Nashville, TN, 26, 28, 127.

Neal, Edward (Co. H), 385.

Neal, James (Co. H), 385.

Nelson, John (Co. G), 346.

Nettles, John (Co. K), 211, 372.

New, John (Co. H), 86.

New Jersey Infantry (2^nd), 83.

New Jersey Infantry (3^rd), 83.

New Jersey Infantry (4^th), 83.

New Jersey Infantry (12^th), 148.

New Market, VA, 41.

New York Infantry (13^th), 69.

New York Infantry (25^th), 69.

Nix, John (Co. A), 92, 286.

Norris, Archibald (Co. K), 11, 20, 21, 25, 26, 30, 34, 50, 53, 91, 110, 124, 149, 162, 169, 171, 172, 173, 176, 182, 183, 184, 186, 194, 195, 196, 199, 202, 203, 207, 210, 212, 215, 217, 218, 225, 227, 228, 231, 235, 240, 242, 244, 245, 246, 248, 265, 366.

Norman, Annie, 268.

Oakley, Nathan (Co. F), 11.

Oak Point, TN, 92.

Ohio Infantry (23^rd), 98.

Ohio Infantry (30^th), 98.

Oliver, James (Co. G), 116.

Oliver, William (Co. G), 176, 177, 178, 199, 346.

Orange Courthouse, VA, 73, 79, 193.

Organ, Cornelius (Co. K), 385.

Ozment, John (Co. G), 116.

Ozment, Robert (Co. G), 83, 92.

Page, Martha, 262.

Palmer, Richard (Co. D), 234, 321.

Parker, William (Co. I), 61, 266.

Parkinson, Littleton (Co. A), 116.

Parton, John (Co. I), 97.

Parvine, Lafayette (Co. B), 225, 386.

Patterson, John (Co. B), 299.

Patton, James (Co. H), 62.

Paty, James (Co. B), 85, 178, 300.

Paul, Andrew (Co. K), 114, 266.

Peek, Sion (Co. I), 219, 363.

Pegram, William (CS), 115.

Pender, William (CS), 78, 88, 98, 118.

Pennsylvania Cavalry (1^st), 75.

Pennsylvania Infantry (118^th), 99.

Perkins, Leroy (Co. K), 32.

Perry, Benjamin (Co. B), 300.

Petersburg VA (siege), 221-228, 231-242.

Pettigrew, James (CS), 2, 3, 150, 184, 192.

Peyton, John (Co. K), 60.

Phillips, Bruce (CS), 134, 165.

Phillips, David (Co. K), 21, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 54, 55, 57, 63, 64, 91, 102, 150, 176, 267, 366.

Phillips, James (Co. F), 22.

Pickett, George (CS), 241.

Pickett’s Charge (July 3^rd), 159-184.

Piper, Alexander (Co. B), 70, 386.

Poague, William (CS), 186.

Polston, Joseph (Co. K), 373.

Ponderella, TN, 99.

Potter, Enoch (Co. F), 337.

Potter, Robert (US), 219.

Powell, John (Co. K), 224.

Price, Helen ‘Hattie’, 144, 145, 271.

Puckett, John (Co. E), 174, 324.

Purcell, Henry (Co. E), 62.

Quesenbury, Richard (Co. G), 341.

Rabeck, William (Co. D), 211.

Ragain, William (Co. F), 337.

Ragland, Agnes, 31.

Ragland, Samuel (Co. D), 62.

Ralston, Luther (Co. D), 172, 321.

Ralston, William (Co. D), 315.

Randolph, George (CS), 57,

Raney, Christopher (Co. K), 386.

Ready, Cora Alice, 263.

Ready, Horace (CS), 243.

Reasonover, George (Co. A), 280.

Reaves, Algernon (CS), 134.

Reed, Thomas (Co. C), 307.

Reeves, Francis (Co. B), 387.

Reeves, John (Co. H), 76.

Renfro, Frank (Co. E), 116.

Rhea, Starlin (Co. D), 204.

Rice, William (Co. K), 62.

Richards, Bailey (Co. B), 75, 79.

Richmond, VA, 49, 53, 63, 72.

Ricketts, James (Co. F), 334.

Ricketts, William (Co. F), 96.

Riggans, Daniel (Co. K), 86, 373.

Rison, Henry (Co. B), 125, 300.

Robbins, William (Co. G), 133, 339.

Roberts, John (Co. G), 179, 347.

Robertson, Luke (Co. G), 67, 114.

Robison, Charles (Co. I), 227, 363.

Rogers, William (Co. D), 227.

Rome, GA, 87.

Roney, Elmore (Co. C), 387.

Rose, Thomas (Co. C), 50.

Royster, Ira (Co. B), 219, 301.

Rucker, Sterling (Co. G), 117.

Rural Hill, TN, 13, 162.

Russell, Elizabeth, 267.

Rutherford, Benjamin (Co. C), 311.

Rutland, John (Co. H), 353.

Rutledge, Richard (Co. C), 306.

Searcy, Daniel (Co. I), 50, 312.

Seat, James (Co. K), 169, 373.

Sellars, Eli (Co. G), 51.

Seminary Ridge, PA, 146, 148, 149.

Seven Pines (battle), 9, 12, 60-64.

Sewell, Daniel (Co. A), 60.

Sexton, James (Co. B), 301.

Shannon, John (Co. K), 96.

Sharpsburg (battle), 93-97.

Shaub, Charles (Co. C), 307.

Shepard, Fannie, 18,

Shepard, Samuel George (Staff), 2, 4, 5, 8, 9, 16, 18, 23, 24, 34, 44, 50, 71, 73, 76, 77, 86, 87, 91, 94, 101, 103, 126, 128, 129, 133, 136, 137, 138, 141, 142, 143, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 152, 153, 159, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 175, 177, 178, 179, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 210, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 225, 226, 227, 228, 231, 233, 235, 240, 242, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 252, 253, 277.

Sherrill, James (Co. K), 387.

Shoemaker, Germain (Co. B), 222, 301.

Shoemaker, James (Co. B), 117.

Shoemaker, John (Co. F), 337.

Shoemaker, William (Co. D), 70.

Shop Springs, TN, 196.

Silver Springs, TN, 6, 69, 87, 241.

Simmons, John (Co. H), 170, 354.

Simpson, Charles (Co. F), 42.

Sims, George (Co. G), 347.

Sloan, John (Co. F), 219, 232, 333.

Smart, James (Co. K), 218.

Smith, Elezear ‘Ale’ (Co. B), 302.

Smith, Eli (Co. I), 85, 364.

Smith, Nelson (Co. B), 92, 173.

Sneed, Thomas (Co. A), 129, 286.

Snyder, Daniel (Co. A), 286.

Spotsylvania Court House (battle), 210-216.

Stallings, Catherine, 238.

Stallings, Harrison, 238.

Stalling, Lydia, 238.

Statesville TN, 7, 165.

Staunton, VA, 28, 36.

Steed, William (Co. K), 218.

Stevens, Bartholomew (Co. D), 316.

Stiner, Peter (Co. E), 239. 267.

Stott, William (Co. B), 19.

Strasburg, VA, 41, 42.

Stratton, Golliday (Co. H), 388.

Stroud, Lester (Co. F), 75.

Stroud, Oliver (Co. F), 215.

Stuart, Bark, 238.

Sullivan, Benjamin (Co. I), 228.

Sullivan, James E. (Co. I), 67.

Sullivan, John E. (Co. I), 67, 170, 226.

Sullivan, John W. (Co. I), 364.

Sullivan, Thomas (Co. F), 388.

Sullivan, Thomas (Co. G), 169, 342.

Sumner Minutemen, 146.

Sutton, James (Co. F), 178, 338.

Swain, Rolondo (Co. H), 268, 388.

Sweet, David (Co. E), 227.

Sweetwater, TN, 36.

Tapley, James (Co. K), 374.

Tapp farm, VA, 206.

Tarver, Benjamin (Co. K), 45.

Tate, James (Co. K), 106.

Tate, William (Co. H), 138, 166, 205, 232, 268, 348.

Taylor, Alexander (Co. E), 99.

Taylor, Robert (Co. I), 61.

Taylor, Vince, 238.

Taylor, William (Co. C), 389.

Tennessee Infantry (1^st), 14, 28, 32, 36, 45, 48, 58, 64, 66, 71, 72, 74, 112, 129, 131, 134, 149, 179, 192.

Tennessee Infantry (7^th), 14, 26, 28, 35, 48, 58, 64, 71, 72, 75, 77, 81, 130, 131, 134, 149, 192.

Tennessee Infantry (14^th), 14, 28, 45, 58, 64, 67, 72, 74, 95, 96, 129, 131, 134, 149, 165, 192, 233.

Tennessee Infantry (17^th), 240, 242.

Tennessee Infantry (23^rd), 240, 243.

Tennessee Infantry (25^th), 240.

Tennessee Infantry (37^th), 240.

Tennessee Infantry (44^th), 240.

Thackston, Benjamin (Co. B), 169, 247, 302.

Thackston, Blake (Co. B), 105.

Thompson, Andrew (Co. F), 77.

Thompson, George (Co. H), 83, 350.

Thompson, James (Co. F), 67.

Thompson, Leonidas (Co. B), 290.

Thompson, Robert (Co. B), 302.

Timberlake, Fountain (Co. B), 303.

Timberlake, Frank (Co. B), 105, 176, 179, 288.

Trimble, Nathaniel (Co. B), 303.

Trousdale (Camp), 18, 20, 22, 24.

Tucker, John (Co. H), 83.

Tucker’s Crossroads, TN, 21, 147.

Turnage, James (Co. C), 62, 196, 243, 245.

Turner, Jeremiah (Co. F), 24, 248, 269, 338.

Turner, Stephen (Co. I), 61.

Turney, Peter (CS), 48, 58, 94.

Utterback, Addison (CS), 150.

Vanatta, James (Co. A), 61.

Van de Graff, Abram (CS), 66, 134, 136.

Vaughn, DeJohnson (Co. I), 389.

Vaughn, Richard (Co. G), 169, 341.

Vick, Alexander (Staff), 269.

Vivrett, John (Co. I), 61, 364.

Vivrett, Rufus (Co. I), 358.

Vivrett, William (Co. I), 96, 97.

Wade, William (Co. H), 354.

Walker, Henry (CS), 193, 196, 203, 207, 208, 211.

Walker’s Brigade, 201, 205.

Walpole, James (Co. I), 76, 175, 178, 365.

Walsh, Marcus Lafayette (Staff), 5, 6, 30, 33, 70, 89, 133, 135, 149, 185, 187, 194, 207, 209, 225, 231, 232, 247, 248, 389.

Warford, Bart (Co. A), 99.

Warm Springs, WV, 29, 30, 37, 39.

Warmack, Albert (Co. B), 303.

Warren, Gouverneur (US), 197, 241.

Watkins, Charles (Co. C), 312.

Watkins, James (Co. D), 76, 219, 322.

Watkins, William (Co. K), 88.

Weaver, James (Co. K), 63, 97.

Webb, George (Co. F), 62.

Webb, Thomas (Staff), 232, 390.

Webster, John (Co. D), 178, 316.

Weldon Rd. (Battle), 224-228.

Westbrook, Lewis (Co. H), 166, 348.

Wharton, William (Co. H), 390.

White, Henry (Co. C), 312.

Whitehead, Andrew (Co. D), 178, 322.

Whitlock, Pleasant (CS), 55.

Whitlock, Robert (Co. F), 338.

Wilcher, Elizabeth, 261.

Wilcox, Cadmus (CS), 201, 214.

Wilderness, the (battle), 202-210.

Wilkerson, Albert (Co. I), 170, 365.

Wilkerson, Charles (Co. H), 77, 270.

Williams, Henry (Co. E), 99.

Williams, Henry (Co. K), 176, 367.

Williams, James (Co. E), 228, 331.

Williams, John (Co. A), 167, 281.

Williams, John (Co. D), 67, 72, 88.

Williams, John (Co. H), 110, 227, 354.

Williams, Joseph (Co. E), 331.

Williams, Solomon (Co. D), 390.

Williamsburg, VA, 49.

Williamson, John (Co. H), 170, 349.

Williamson, Martha Ready, 271.

Williamson, William (Co. H), 11, 64, 83, 91, 94, 111, 143, 144, 147, 148, 164, 178, 270, 277.

Williamsport, MD, 189, 190, 191.

Willoughby Run, PA, 124, 135.

Willoughby, William (Co. A), 287.

Wilmouth, Burgess (Co. A), 202, 203, 209, 212, 213, 214, 215, 279.

Windham, Charles (Co. C), 313.

Wilson, Charles (Co. E), 332.

Wilson Blues, 18, 124, 176.

Winchester, VA, 43.

Windham, Charles (Co. C), 196.

Winfrey, James (Co. A), 173, 280.

Wingo, Henry (Co. I), 116.

Wisconsin Infantry (2^nd), 128, 130, 132.

Wisconsin Infantry (7^th), 132.

Wise, John (Co. E), 76.

Witt, Abner (Co. F), 335.

Woodall, Thomas (Co. C), 305.

Woollard, James (Co. K), 368.

Word, Roger Cu (Co. H), 71, 87, 355.

Wormack, Henry (Co. D), 61.

Wormack, Robert (Co. H), 83, 178, 355.

Wright, Augustus (CS), 117.

Wright, Horatio (US), 242.

Wright, Robert (Co. A), 11.

Wynne, William (Co. C), 116.

Yeargin, Wesley (Co. A), 287.

York, John (Co. I), 67.

Young, James, (Co. I), 61.

Young, Peter (Co. G), 106.

Young, William (Co. I), 215, 357.

The 19th Indiana Infantry was mustered into the Federal Army in Indianapolis, Indiana.

On July 29, 1861, 2^nd Lt. William Orr stood in his assigned position behind his company and listened as his formation mustered in as an Indiana Volunteer Infantry regiment. Though the 22-year old lawyer was excited about joining the war effort, he fumed at his inability to procure a rank higher than what he presently held. Orr glanced over at 1^st Lt. Benjamin Harter and gritted his teeth in frustration. Harter was older than Orr, owned a successful store in town, and was a close friend of Samuel Williams, the man the company had elected as captain.

Nor far from where the young lieutenant stood, another volunteer raged silently in anger. Thirty-five year-old David Holloway clenched his fists, steaming at the indignation at not being able to acquire any rank at all, and ending up enlisting into his company as but a lowly private. Holloway slowly shook his head in exasperation, chafing at his inability to obtain a commission. Why should he, a man of considerable means and status among the members of his community, be denied an officer’s posting, while their company commander was an ex-tombstone salesman who now owned a saloon?

A third Hoosier, Lt. Col. Robert Cameron, also seethed at the position in which he had been placed. The 39-year-old publisher glanced over at Colonel Solomon Meredith and frowned. Cameron was the only man in the regiment’s entire officer corps who had any military experience at all. But yet he was not awarded the colonelcy because he had not donated as much money to Governor Oliver Morton’s election campaign. Cameron had learned that military experience was not necessary for command; all that was really important was money and who you knew.

While William Orr, David Holloway, and Robert Cameron were very unhappy with their newly appointed military ranks, most of the rest of the volunteers who made up the officer corps of the 19^th Indiana Infantry Regiment were pleased with their positions. They were all men of stature in their communities, had been part of raising a company of volunteers, and had won elections, and thus secured their postings. The officers making up the 19^th Indiana, like those of most of the other newly forming regiments all across the country, had held positions of power as civilians, and were now bringing that status with them as they volunteers to do their part in the nation’s conflict.

When the Civil War began and hundreds of thousands of Americans signed their names onto enlistment papers, the nation’s military had no way of distributing the small number of experienced veterans among the multitude of untrained civilians. Thus, as hundreds of regiments were formed all across the country, America’s patriots placed individuals into positions of power who possess no knowledge of military matters. These newly commissioned officers had obtained their rank simply because they were wealthy, held jobs of community stature, or knew someone who did. This principle of promoting someone because of who he was, rather than his military experience, would prove to be a horribly costly mistake which would needlessly kill thousands of Americans.

The process by which America converted its civilian manpower into military formations worked fairly easily all across the nation. In both the North and the South, the Presidents informed their states’ governors that they were required to furnish volunteers. The governors then turned to their close friends and supporters, offering them colonelcies, and these men then contacted friends from their local areas and awarded them captaincies for gathering together volunteers and forming companies. This procedure quickly transformed merchants and lawyers into officers, while changing farm boys and factory workers into riflemen. These inexperienced adventurers would then face each other in battle, and die by the thousands.

In the North, this system was perpetuated throughout most of the conflict, even after experience dictated that veterans should be placed in command of newly formed units. The governors continued to give appointments of high military rank to civilian friends and place them in charge of untrained regiments while experienced and trained veterans watched their seasoned formations wither away. This disaster resulted in countless tragedies that possibly could have been avoided had America employed a different system.

For the 19^th Indiana, this process began in June 1861, when Governor Morton authorized his political supporter, Solomon Meredith to raise an infantry regiment. The 50-year-old politician contacted the Indianapolis Journal on June 14, 1861, and advertised, “I desire captains who wish to form part of my regiment to report to me within the next ten days.” Meredith was swamped by applications, receiving 54 petitioners in less than a week, each prospective candidate promising to raise a company of 100 volunteers. The new colonel selected eight businessmen, a lawyer, and a physician as his ten captains on June 21, 1861 and immediately notified them to begin recruiting.

One of the chosen ten was 37-year old Valentine Jacobs, a saloon keeper in Indianapolis. Jacobs, the father of seven children, was an enterprising Virginian who had migrated west to Indiana, and worked as a tombstone salesman before saving enough money to take over operations of the Catawba Saloon. One June 27, 1861 he posted an advertisement in the city’s papers, announcing, “…If any of our country readers want to get a finger into the ‘muss’ they can’t find a better chance…” than with him. One of the volunteers signing into Jacobs’ unit was David Holloway, a very wealthy farmer and mill owner who lived east of Indianapolis. Holloway entered Jacobs’ company, bringing his own contingent of volunteers with him, some who even worked for him on his property. Holloway came to Jacobs with his collection of farm hands, expecting to obtain a position of rank within the new company.

Another of Meredith’s selection, Samuel Williams, managed a large estate northeast of Muncie, Indiana. The 30-year-old also owned warehouses, and bought and sold fine quality livestock, thus making him one of the more prosperous businessmen in his township. Williams, the father of five children, turned to a close friend to help him raise a company. Thirty-two year-old Benjamin Harter, another prominent local businessman assisted Williams, and the two, as one volunteer wrote, “…went hither and yon drumming up volunteers…” One of their recruits, William Orr, came from the northern part of their county, bringing with him an assemblage of friends and relatives. The young lawyer, the son of moneyed parents, quickly challenged Williams for the company’s commander’s position.

What happened next, and this procedure occurred in nearly all of Meredith’s companies, were public elections held by the volunteers to legitimate the right of the unit’s officers to lead. This was usually done publically. These elections were held in the manner that militia formations had done for as long as the Americans could remember. As a volunteer who had been recruited by Samuel Williams wrote, “…we me one day at our school house to organize by electing officers…” The young Hoosier continued, “…following the procedure used during the Black Hawk War, we were told that all that were in favor of Samuel J. Williams being the captain of the company to step three paces forward out of our ranks, and I quickly stepped out, as did a large majority of others…” The victors, of course were joyous, while some of the losers took their defeats severely. The recruit in Williams’ company noted that Orr, “…always felt disgruntled about losing…”

The elections solidified one fact; all 33 officers in the 19^th Indiana were men of money and power. Solomon Meredith’s company leaders were merchants, lawyers, physicians, carpenters, supervisors, and wealthy farm owners. Meredith may have only had one individual who had worn a military uniform (Robert Cameron), but everyone else had civilian leadership experience. They knew nothing about tactics and warfare but they all possessed people skills.

The company commanders appointed their own noncommissioned officers, promoting relatives, supporters, and acquaintances. Each company was allotted five sergeants and eight corporals, and in company after company, the same pattern emerged—the sergeants were individuals of stature and responsibility, and the corporals were the sons of influential parents. In a regiment that was composed of nearly 70% farm boys and unskilled laborers, only 16% of the sergeants were farm boys. Over 70% of the regiment’s sergeants came with business and management experience. Of the corporals, almost 50% came from men with business experience, while the other half were sons of successful farmers.

In early August 1861, Colonel Solomon Meredith’s 19^th Indiana Regiment traveled to Washington D.C. and joined the war effort. The Hoosier regiment, packed with adventuresome farm boys and unskilled workers, and led by untrained officers quickly suffered because of its lack of military experience. Poor sanitation measure, terrible eating habits, and unhealthy living conditions resulted in 60 deaths even before the regiment had a chance to fire a shot at the Confederates. This tragedy could have been avoided, as a reporter from the Indianapolis Journal noted, in September 1861, “…the entire regiment has been poisoned…from the spring out of which they were accustomed to drink…”

The 19^th Indiana remained on the outskirts of Washington D.C. all during the winter of 1861-1862, guarding against a rebel attack, building fortifications, and learning to be soldiers. Hundreds of men were found to be unfit for military life and were discharged and sent back to Indiana. Others injured themselves, caught various diseases such as diarrhea, dysentery, and venereal disease, and were weakened to the point that they had to be removed from the ranks and sent home. By spring 1862, Solomon Meredith’s regiment had shrunk dramatically in size, losing nearly 500 men, even though Confederate bullets had downed only three. These losses horrified the regiment’s surgeon, Doctor Calvin Woods, and he wrote unhappily, “…I thought I would only have to cut off a few legs and arms…” Woods resigned, writing, “…I have to mix constantly with terrors of the worst kind. I long since got tired of doctoring in common sickness…”

Many of Colonel Meredith’s officers learned they were unsuited for military life and resigned, returning to businesses back in Indiana. Some, such as 41-year-old Theodore Hunt, a lieutenant in Company ‘H’, grew tired of his acquired ailments, tendered his resignation and returned to his hominy mills in western Indiana. Others, such as the 24-year-old lieutenant, Samuel Young, resigned because the war interfered with his occupation back in Indiana. Lieutenant Young handed over his commission, explaining, “…the pressing state of my affairs at home…in business are such as demand me immediate attention…” The end result was that by late spring 1862, Colonel Meredith had lost half of his original officers.

One of Meredith’s missing officers was Lt. Col. Robert Cameron. The two had clashed immediately upon being assigned to the same regiment, and began maneuvers to see that the other was removed. They both wrote Governor Morton, complaining about the other. Cameron instructed Governor Morton, “…it is the desire of all the officers of the Regt that I should command…” Meredith countered, writing the governor, “…I want true friends as my advisors…” Governor Morton, aware of the animosity between the two senior officers, reacted when Cameron pleaded, “…Give me a regiment…”, and in February 1862 dispatched the lieutenant colonel to the 34^th Indiana Infantry. Colonel Meredith quickly elevated Major Alios Bachman to Cameron’s old position, and promoted the regiment’s senior captain, Isaac May (Company ‘A’) to major. Meredith bumped up the two remaining officers in Company ‘A’, and then commissioned his 23-year-old son, Samuel Meredith to fill the empty lieutenant’s slot.

Colonel Meredith had other advancements to deal with. Company ‘I’ led the regiment in problems. The original captain, 39-year-old John Johnson, had grown tired of military activities, written his own termination papers, and returned to his store in Spencer, Indiana. Company ‘I’s first lieutenant, John Baird, soured on martial life and returned to his business, also in Spencer. The company’s remaining officer, 2^nd Lt. 38-year-old Benjamin Hancock was also absent, as he was captured by the Confederates in the regiment’s first battle, a skirmish near Lewinsville, Virginia, in September 1861. Meredith promoted 1^st Sgt. Charles Doxie (Company ‘A’) to second lieutenant, and brought in 1^st Lt. William Campbell (Company ‘C’) as captain. However, the captured Lieutenant Hancock was exchanged and returned, creating a problem of two second lieutenants in the same unit. Since the boys in the company seemed to dislike Lieutenant Doxie, he was transferred to the 16^th Indiana, Hancock promoted to first lieutenant, and Company ‘I’s first sergeant, 35-year-old Ebenezer Patrick upgraded to second lieutenant.

In Captain Valentine Jacob’s Company ‘D’, comparable difficulties erupted, forcing Colonel Meredith to deal with more personnel problems. The company’s initial first lieutenant, Jacobs’ close friend, Henry Vandergrift, grew tired of wearing the uniform and quit in October 1861. Captain Jacobs, not liking being shot at by Confederates, and missing his family and business in Indianapolis sought his own way out. However, he did not want to give up his military pay so he finagled a posting back in Indianapolis as the regiment’s recruiter. This left Company ‘D’ in the hands of 24-year-old 2^nd Lt. Frederick Hale, who quickly resigned. Meredith commissioned another friend, the 19^th Indiana’s sergeant major, Samuel Young as first lieutenant and placed him in charge of the company. But Young turned in his commission two months later. Therefore, Company ‘D’ was without any officers.

When Colonel Meredith looked within the company ‘D’s sergeant ranks he found more trouble. The company’s first sergeant, Omer Tousey had been discharged in order to receive a commission in the 7^th Indiana Infantry, meaning the company was effectively being led by the 29-year-old, Sergeant George Huntsman. However, by now Meredith was aware of the influential David Holloway. In fact, one of Holloway’s friends, the president of the Bank of the State of Indiana had written Governor Morton, suggesting that Holloway receive an officer’s posting. David Holloway was then promoted to first lieutenant by, “Governor’s orders,” and took command of the company. Holloway then elevated one of his farm supervisors, 23-year-old John Jack to second in command.

Thus, by late spring 1862, Colonel Meredith’s officer corps consisted of 32 officers, of which 14 were new faces, all brought up from the ranks. These additional officers were all men of civilian prominence, used to telling others what to do, and having moneyed backgrounds. There had been no advancement based upon military prowess or knowledge, but rather, all the upgrading’s did was further the command and control of the regiment to those who had been in power during civilian life.

The shrinkage of the regiment’s manpower also affected the NCO ranks. As spring gave way to summer in 1862, the 19^th Indiana totaled just over 500 volunteers, of which 90 were sergeants and corporals. Again though, the men who occupied these NCO postings came with backgrounds of supervisory status. Of the sergeants, almost 60% were tradesmen of some sort, and among the corporals, nearly 45% had worked at some job other than farm hand. Therefore, as the men of the 19^th Indiana closed in on the regiment’s first anniversary, there had had been little change in the composition of the unit’s command, those individuals who had positions of power before the war, continued to retain that control while wearing military wool. In effect, the command structure of the 19^th Indiana was but an extension of the social/political framework of the communities of Indiana.

Captain Samuel Williams’ Company ‘K’ reflected this arrangement. As the regiment continued to train during the first weeks of summer 1862, Williams’ company leaders remained; 1^st Lt. Benjamin Harter (a merchant), and 2^nd Lt. William Orr (a lawyer). Williams had four sergeants; two teachers, a farm owner, and a store clerk. His corporals had been; a clerk, a blacksmith, a tenant farmer, and four sons of prosperous farmers. Of the company’s 50 privates, only two had accumulated any savings before the war. Nearly all the rest either resided at home with their parents, or lived on the residences of their employers.

The 19^th Indiana would go into its first major battle on August 28, 1862, when their brigade accidently bumped into Stonewall Jackson’s men a few miles west of Gainesville. In approximately 90 minutes of fierce fighting, the Hoosiers stood shoulder-to-shoulder, without movement, fighting just as their civilian leaders had taught them. When darkness finally silenced the gunfire, over 200 Hoosiers had been shot down, including Colonel Meredith’s son, and Major Isaac May, and six other officers. The regiment had gone into battle knowing nothing about warfare, nothing about tactics, and nothing about the effects of weaponry and had been slaughtered.

The adage, “The work is never fin­ished “til the paper work is done,” has been around a long time. This statement is certainly true for the record keepers of the American Civil War. The Civil War has often been referred to as the first “modern’ war. One of the attributes of a modern war must certainly be the generation and processing of tremendous amounts of data, and the Civil War was the first American war in which considerable at­tention was given to that endeavor.

Large numbers of small publishing firms saw profits grow due to the print­ing of hundreds of different military business forms. It is estimated that over 200 million official forms were created in order to keep track of the personnel of the Federal army alone. The avalanche of paper requirements dwarfed the combined totals of all America’s earlier wars. Files on an indi­vidual enlisted soldier were often kept by his company, his regiment, his divi­sion, his brigade, his county, and his state. These files were then duplicated for the Federal archivists. If the volun­teer was promoted to officer status then even more records were kept on him. This was indeed the first war of the in­formation age.

A Union soldier’s paper trail began the moment he responded to President Abraham Lincoln’s call for volunteers. The patriotic civilian left his daily pur­suits and rushed to his local communi­ty’s recruiting office. Here, the prospec­tive recruit was interviewed by promi­nent citizens who were raising compa­nies. But the Union army was not prepared for the tremendous response to Lincoln’s call for volunteers. There were insufficient numbers of uniforms, accoutrements, shoes, rifles, tents, cooking equipment, and record-keeping form.

A volunteer enlistment form was quickly created and mass produced in incredible numbers. There wasn’t time to make enlistment forms which were specific even to the state from which the recruit came. These quickly made forms merely left blanks so the recruit­ing officers could fill in what state the civilian came from. The enlistment pa­pers were not concerned with much more than obtaining the man’s name, age, occupation, birthplace, and his sig­nature.

The example of the VOLUNTEER ENLISTMENT, illustrated here, is for Minor Berry, a young man who lived in the rural areas surrounding Indianapo­lis, Indiana. Private Berry enlisted into the Marion County Invincibles. The Invincibles had been organized by a wealthy Indianapolis tombstone maker, 36-year-old Valentine Jacobs. The company was soon to be designated as Company D of the 19th Indiana Volun­teer Infantry Regiment. Berry was re­cruited, along with six other enlistees, and added to Jacobs’ company. He served with the 19th Indiana and was crippled, while in action, in the Battle of the Wilderness, May 5, 1864.

An important form which was sup­posed to have been filled out at the time of enlistment was the FORM FOR EX­AMINING A RECRUIT. In the initial surge of response to put down the rebel­lion, most recruiters neglected to com­plete the medical examination and thousands of totally unfit men, as well as many adventurous women, were tak­en into the ranks of the Federal army. Once the winter of 1861-1862 slowed down the call for immediate victory, and experience showed than unfit vol­unteers were a detriment to the military, time was given to the important detail of medical examinations.

The FORM FOR EXAMINING A RECRUIT had only nine major ques­tions, and did not require a doctor. All the answers could be written down ei­ther by accepting the recruits’ truthful answers or by a brief physical examina­tion. The examiner counted fingers and teeth, thumped chests, and then signed his name completing the form, and the recruit was on his way. The questions are general and most are documentable. Some questions are quite vague. The second part of number six, for example, asks, “…have you ever had the ‘horrors’?…”

One example was a form filled out for Napoleon Chamberlain, a 28-year-old man who was employed as a pump-maker in Indianapolis. He joined Com­pany D of the 19th Indiana in February 1862. Private Chamberlain was taught the School of the Soldier and then sur­vived the regiment’s horrible slaughter at Brawner Farm, Virginia, on August 28, 1862. He participated in the regi­ment’s fighting at Antietam, and was killed not far from the Dunker Church.

Once the recruits were marched to their camps and subjected to the rigors of the military life, ate a steady diet of salt pork, and practiced poor hygiene, disease struck with savage force. Most regiments, both North and South, lost to disease anywhere from a quarter to over half of their numbers. The losses for the 19th Indiana were typical. The regiment, which started with about 1,000 soldiers on July 29, 1861, had been reduced to 750 men by January 1862.

The form that recorded such sad loss­es was the RECORD OF DEATH AND INTERMENT. This form noted the death and the burial of soldiers who had been sent north to various hospitals. The details included on this record were kept so relatives could retrieve the re­mains of loved ones. The questions are starkly brief and the answers simple and harsh.

One example was a RECORD OF DEATH   AND   INTERMENT   form filled out for Clark Horniday. Clark was a young man who stated he was eigh­teen when he enlisted in Captain Ja­cobs’ Company D in July 1861. A farm boy from Iowa, he had worked as a farm laborer in Hendricks County, just west of Indianapolis. Private Horniday did not adjust to military conditions and was relieved of duty and sent to the ‘ Ambulance Corps in July 1862. But the private’s health continued to fail and he was transferred to a hospital in Washington, DC. His condition worsened ; and he died in February 1863 of chron­ic diarrhea. The dead man’s father, William Horniday, traveled from Iowa, recovered his son, and sadly took the remains home for burial.

Many soldiers found the best way of coping with the bad food, the poor liv­ing conditions, the rigors of inclement weather, the tyranny of officers, and the terrors of combat was to desert. The military created forms to record this problem. The DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF DESERTERS is one example. This form provided authorities with a means to hunt and identify offenders. As the war progressed and the need increased for enlisted men, especially those who already had training and experience, the provost marshals’ search for deserters became increasingly important.

The example below describes John Fletcher, a 30-year-old soldier of medi­um stature, five foot nine inches tall, with blue eyes and blond hair, of light complexion. John Fletcher joined Ja­cobs’ company in July, 1861. He was born in Ohio but moved to Indianapo­lis, where he lived and was employed as a butcher in a slaughter house. Pri­vate Fletcher was wounded in a skir­mish along the Rappahannock River on August 21, 1862. He was injured by a bullet which struck the calf of his left leg. Fortunately, there was no serious damage and he convalesced in a hospi­tal in Washington, DC. While lying among the other wounded, Private Fletcher decided to desert. The DE­SCRIPTIVE LIST OF DESERTERS was filled out on Fletcher and the Provost Marshals went after him. He was found in January, 1864, and re­turned to the 19th Indiana two months later. He was severely wounded on May 5, 1864, in the Battle of the Wilderness. He was sent to a hospital with gunshot wounds in the abdomen and left knee. He was discharged from the service in September, 1864.

The Federal soldiers who went into combat were faced with not only the in­credible terror of being killed or maimed, but also with the horror of be­ing captured and sent to prisons such as Libby Prison or Andersonville. When this occurred, the Federal record keepers dutifully noted it and charted the un­fortunate soldier’s situation with the MEMORANDUM FROM PRISONER OF WAR RECORDS. (See page 80.)

Gillet Darragh, a twenty-one year old boatman born in Dearborn, Indiana, joined Captain Jacobs’ company in July 1861. Private Darragh fought in the bat­tle of Brawner Farm on August 28, 1862, and was captured in the confu­sion when the 19th Indiana was ordered to fall back. Darragh was soon paroled by the Confederates and returned to his company. Two years later, still a pri­vate, he went into the battle of the Wilderness and was captured once again, near Bethesda, on June 6, 1864. But the war had changed. He was not to be exchanged. Instead he was sent to Andersonville Prison, where he en­dured seven months of hardship before being released in February 1865.

The results of combat were simply brutal. The chances of being killed or wounded were exceedingly high. The 19^th Indiana suffered 199 killed and a total of 513 wounded out of 1,246 volunteers. Captain Jacobs’ Company D, which mustered 100 volunteers on July 29, 1861, had just nine survivors left in August 1864. Records were kept of each wounded soldier once he was sent to a hospital. One of the forms used was the MEDICAL DESCRIPTIVE LIST. This form detailed the patient’s injuries, his treatments, and the extent of his recovery. The MEDICAL DESCRIPTIVE LIST was filled out by a medical officer or nurse-orderly and was completed, showing the amounts of medicines provided and the evolving condition of the patient.

One example was the MEDICAL DESCRIPTIVE LIST form of John Gattenby, of Company D, 19th Indiana. Gattenby, a 27-year-old day laborer in Indianapolis, joined the regiment in July IS61. He survived the regiment’s battles at Brawner Farm, South Moun­tain, Antietam, Fredericksburg, and Fitzhugh’s Crossing. At the Battle of Gettysburg on July I. 1863, he was .struck by a Minnie bullet while in the act of aiming his rifle. The bullet hit his left arm, passed through it and then lodged in his chest. The slug was removed while he was in one of the nearly 160 field hospitals established after that devastating battle. Gattenby remained at a Held hospital for over a week before being transported to the General Hospital at West Philadelphia.

Medical services in 1863 had im­proved substantially since the start of the war, but they were still terribly primitive. As the MEDICAL DE­SCRIPTIVE LIST indicates, very little was actually done for Gattenby during his stay in West Philadelphia. He was provided with a clean environment and given doses of magnesium sulfate, a medicine which is still used today to fight constipation. His dressings were changed and his wound washed and kept clean. The rest of the recovery was up to him.

Private Gattenby returned to Compa­ny D and was promoted to corpo­ral just before the slaughter in the Wilderness. He survived Lieutenant General Ulysses Grant’s 1864 summer campaign. When the 19th Indiana was mustered out in August 1864, he was transferred to the re-organized 20^th In­diana. Gattenby served with that regiment un­til it was mustered out in July 1865.

Soldiers who were seriously wound­ed were kept in the hospital only long enough to stabilize them for travel. The broken men were then discharged and sent home. The CERTIFICATE OF DISABILITY FOR DISCHARGE was filed out, describing the soldier’s wounds, his condition, and his release from the military. The CERTIFICATE OF DISABILITY FOR DISCHARGE was a standard form of the military and versions of it had been available even before the Civil War had begun. This form was completed in duplicate, as the military needed a separate set of docu­ments for pension applications.

One example illustrates the discharge of Private Jacob Andriek. The 18-year-old farmer joined Company D, 19^th In­diana Regiment in July 1861. He was a Dutch immigrant who worked a small farm just outside Indianapolis. He was married and had two children. Private Andriek went into battle at Brawner Farm and was wounded in the back, in­juring his spine. He was placed in a hospital but did not recover. Andriek was discharged in March 1863.

Thousands of soldiers survived the problems of bad food and poor living conditions only to be killed in combat. For these men papers were completed, routinely noting the final events of their lives. One of the death certificates which were used in large numbers didn’t even have a formal name. The docu­ment just began with the words. “…I certify, on honor, that (blank — fill in the deceased’s name)…” The summer 1864 campaign in Virginia resulted in the completion of thousands of these title-less forms. A man’s final hours and death were noted on a page which also carried information about his last payday and any bills he owed the gov­ernment. Any sentences which didn’t apply were simply marked out.

The death of James Van Tooth is doc­umented by one of these forms. Van Tooth joined Captain Jacob’s company in July 1861. He was a 27-year-old brick maker who lived in Danville, In­diana, just west of Indianapolis. When he went off to war he left his younger brother to mind the brick molding busi­ness. The private survived Brawner Farm and South Mountain, only to be wounded at Antietam on September 17, 1862. He recovered, returned to the company, and was promoted to corporal in March 1863. He survived the reg­iment’s destruction at Gettysburg, when two-thirds of the I9th Indiana became casualties. Following Gettys­burg, he was promoted to sergeant. On June 1, 1864 Van Tooth was killed by artillery fire not far from Bethesda Church, in the Battle of Cold Harbor. Virginia. His death certificate was filled out by Cap­tain David Holloway.

Holloway’s signature appears on many of the regiment’s forms. He had enlisted in 1861 as a private, been promoted to officer status, commanded Company D, 19^th Indiana, and then was severely wounded in the hips and legs at Gettysburg. After Gettysburg he did much of the regiment’s paper work.

After a regiment had served out its enlistment, and if its men did not vote to return to the field as veterans, its soldiers were mustered out of the military. This was a joyous occasion for the surviving veterans. The men could honorably go home, leaving behind the horrors of com­bat, the countless meals of poorly cooked rations, the nights spent in the mud and snow, and the marches in the heat and dust. The MILITARY DISCHARGE pa­pers were priceless articles. They repre­sented freedom from death and disea.se.

There also were documents of status which helped a veteran get a job.

The story of Private William Vanhoose, a soldier of the 45th Kentucky Infantry Regiment, was traced through one of these forms. This one-year regi­ment was stationed in eastern Kentucky and spent most of its tour of duty along the West Virginia, Virginia, and Ken­tucky borders. It was involved in light action during the summer and winter of 1864. The 45^th Kentucky lost ten men, killed in action, and ninety who died of disease.

William Vanhoose enlisted in Octo­ber 1863. He was an under-age farm boy from Ashland, Kentucky, who con­vinced the regiment’s recruiter that he was of age. He was promoted to first sergeant when his company was rav­aged by disease, injuries, and deser­tions. After the war, Vanhoose lost his original copy of the MILITARY DIS­CHARGE and his family received a du­plicate in 1917.

These are but a few of the countless forms used by record keepers during the Civil War. Each battle, whether it or a major one such as Gettysburg, produced results which had to be recorded. The Civil War’s incredible casualties have dulled our senses to the tragedies each report represented. More than 50,000 men became casual­ties at Gettysburg in just three days. Each one of those 50,000 individuals had family, friends, loved ones, a job, property, goals, hopes, and plans for the future — and almost all those loss­es were noted in some way on a form somewhere.

The Soviet dictator Josef Stalin was quoted as saying. “One death is a tragedy; a million deaths are but a statis­tic.” The Civil War produced close to a million deaths and serious injuries. The losses are so horrifying we cannot relate to them, and the 200 million pieces of paper­work only add to the incomprehensibility of all the individual disasters that oc­curred. It is only when we scrutinize the individual records of enlisted soldiers, brave and stout Americans, both North and South that we begin to see more.

The Confederate attack on August 30, 1862

During the summer of 1862, Confederate Generals Kirby Smith and Braxton Bragg developed a plan to invade Kentucky. During the first weeks of August, Kirby Smith and his small army crossed the border and moved northward into the Bluegrass state. After a few minor skirmishes the Confederates had marched more than 100 miles and approached the town of Richmond, 20 miles south of Lexington. Here, a force of Union soldiers awaited the Confederates. The ensuing battle was to virtually destroy the Federal force.

Maj. Gen. Kirby Smith was 37 in August 1862. He was tall, his hair dark and full with little gray showing. Smith was aggressive and confident in his abilities. He had great faith in his officers and their soldiers. Smith’s force was divided into two divisions; one under Brig. Gen. Thomas Churchill and the other under Brig. Gen. Patrick Cleburne. Each division was composed of two brigades. Churchill’s command was made up of a Texan brigade under Col. T. H. McCray and an Arkansas brigade under Col. Evander McNair. Cleburne’s division was composed of a Tennessee brigade commanded by Brig. Gen. Preston Smith, and a combined Tennessee-Arkansas brigade led by Col. Benjamin Hill. In all, Kirby smith has with him about 5,000 troops.

General Cleburne and his two brigades led Kirby Smith’s push into Kentucky. On August 29, 1862, after descending into the Bluegrass region, Cleburne heard reports of nearby Union troops. Smith’s cavalry under the command of Col. J. S. Scott, composed of Louisiana and Tennessean horsemen were sent out to check the reports.

Scott’s cavalry learned of the existence of Union forces around the town of Richmond—a small community in the gently rolling hills of Madison County. The Federal forces were organized into two large brigades. The First Brigade was commanded by General Mahlon Manson, who was 42 and a veteran of the Mexican War. Manson had four newly organized, and virtually untrained Indiana regiments, as well as a battalion of abolitionist Tennessee soldiers. The Second Brigade was led by Brig. Gen. Charles Cruft, a recently promoted officer. Cruft had two Indiana regiments, and Ohio regiment, and one from Kentucky. Only Cruft’s Kentuckians had been together long enough to have taken battalion-sized drill. All together, the Federal force included about 6,500 soldiers, and ten artillery pieces.

Kirby Smith was pleased that the Federals wanted to fight. He feared that the small amount of opposition he had faced so far was due to a Union decision to fall back to the natural defenses about Lexington, along the high bluffs of the Kentucky River. Smith was optimistic that a victory at Richmond, followed by a close pursuit, would prevent the Union troops from establishing a strong defense around Lexington.

The Confederates had marched, “…110 miles through a mountain region over almost impossible roads, through a country destitute of supplies of all kinds…[the soldiers]…were ragged, barefooted, almost starved from marching day and night, [and] exhausted from lack of water…” The only real opposition they had seen so far had been from mountain bush-wackers who, “…true to their mode of fighting, fought from safe distances high up in the mountains…” But these men had been of little consequence in delaying the Rebel advancement.

Smith had used rapid marching and surprise to push deep into Kentucky. His success was also due to a Federal decision by its high command which had instructed the commanders to avoid fighting Smith’s forces. The Union officers had been told, “…If an enemy is in force, get your troops together and do not risk a battle…unless you are sure of success.”

August 29, 1862

On August 29, 1862, outside of Richmond, KY, Generals Manson and Cruft, and their brigades waited. However, their soldiers needed training. With the exception of the 18^th Kentucky, “…most of them had been less than a fortnight away from their homes…one regiment had no field officers yet appointed…all were but a collection of citizens hastily assembled, armed, and thrown together without the least knowledge of military rules or discipline…”

In the evening, once Manson learned of the advancing Confederates, he sent a courier to Lexington to find his division commander, Maj. Gen. William Nelson, advising Nelson of the Confederate approach, and requested instructions. General Nelson was a huge man, standing nearly six and a half feet tall and weighing over 300 pounds. His troops called him the ‘Bull’, aware of his size and temper. Nelson was a veteran of the Mexican War, and understood how unprepared his troops were, tried to slow the situation down and give his men time to train. Nelson wrote Manson, advising him to retreat toward Lancaster, KY., rather than fight. But Nelson’s reply was to arrive too late Manson was forced to make his own decision. Since he believed Smith had less than 5,000 men he chose to attack, rather than wait the Confederate assault.

August 30, 1862 – Mount Zion Church (Rogersville, KY)

The first contact was to occur when the Confederates encountered Federal troops about a mile north of the small town of Rogersville, Ky., some six miles south of Richmond. This position was near the nicely built brick, Mound Zion Church. The country was formed of gently rolling hills, covered with ripening fields of corn and hay, often bordered by fences overgrown by vines and bushes. They obstructions were to hinder observation and led to many unnecessary deaths.

August 30^th “…dawned bright, warm, and beautiful…” Cleburne’s troops, and Manson’s brigade were up and moving by 4:00 AM. The Union pickets moved out in front of the Union line by about 600 yards. Once Manson’s skirmishers came in contact with the gray forces, just be sunrise, he realized he needed supported and ordered Cruft to bring his brigade forward.

Though Cleburne had fewer than 3,000 men, he sent Hill’s brigade (about 1,300 troops) forward. The Tennessee and Arkansas Confederate slowly pushed the Union pickets backward. Hill’s brigade then formed a line behind a crest of a low ridge to the right of the Richmond-Big Hill Turnpike, about 500 yards away from the main Federal line. Preston Smith’s brigade of nearly 1,600 soldiers came up and formed within striking distance.

Captain James P. Douglas’ Texas battery was brought up and placed near the center of the Confederate line. Both the artillery and infantry opened fire. Sharpshooter companies were sent to occupy positions to left and right of the Gray main battle line. These companies soon occupied a small hill on the Confederate left and a screen of woods on their right.

A second Confederate battery, under Captain Martin was brought up and unlimbered. Martin’s Florida guns were ordered forward to take position on the rising ground by a brick house to the Confederate left, but their orders were misunderstood and the battery advanced quite near the Union lines. Federal sharpshooters quickly shot Martin and many of his crew, forcing the battery to withdraw.

A courier from Kirby Smith directed Cleburne not to become involved in a general engagement until Churchill’s division arrived. Cleburne ordered his artillery to slow their fire, and his infantry to seek what shelter they could find, and to only fire on command. The two lines faced each other for about two hours without movement on either side, firing only occasionally. But the inexperienced Union soldiers were excited and soon expended most of their ammunition, many having been sent out with only one cartridge tin per soldier. Most of the 55^th Indiana fired all of their 40 rounds and soon were forced to wait for resupply. Nearly all of the artillery also had to suspend firing until more ammunition could be brought forward.

Once the Union soldiers were resupplied General Manson pushed his left flank forward to strike at Cleburne’s right. The raw soldiers of the 16^th and the 71^st Indiana advanced cautiously, driving the Confederate pickets. These two Indiana regiments, along with seven companies of the 69^th Indiana, which had moved up in support, pursued the retreating Confederates.

Cleburne met this advance by sending the 154^th Senior Tennessee regiment from Preston Smith’s brigade. The 154^th, commanded by Col. Ed Fitzgerald, was placed to the right of Hill’s brigade. This force of about 350 soldiers, found it could not contain the strength of the three large Union regiments. It was necessary to reinforce the 154^th Tennessee’s flank. The 13^th-15^th (combined) Arkansas regiment, commanded by Col. Lucius Polk was pulled from its position and sent to the right of the 154^th.

Manson’s troops continued to press against the Confederates, moving forward slowly. During this push, Lt. Col. Topping (71^st Indiana) was killed. However, this loss did not slow the Union advance. Cleburne was forced to bring the rest of Smith’s brigade forward.

Kirby Smith arrived on the battlefield at 7:30 a.m., along with the two brigades of Churchill’s division. These soldiers had just completed a forced march of 13 miles. Churchill sent McCray’s Brigade to the left of Cleburne, to strike the Union right with the hope of taking the pressure off Hill’s and Preston’s retreating troops.

Manson did not see, or ignored this flanking movement. He continued to press his attack against the Confederate right. Then, the first elements of Cruft’s Brigade arrived, completing a rapid five-mile march. The 18^th Kentucky marched out onto the battlefield with its brass band playing ‘Yankee Doodle’. They were followed by the 95^th Ohio regiment, which moved in step to its fife and drum cadence. Manson positioned the 95^th and two sections of artillery next to the 69^th Indiana. The buckeyes immediately charged 400 yards forward and took the area vacated by Martin’s battery. They took this position suffering stiff losses, and then quickly realized how exposed this position was. Moments later, the 95^th retreated; their pointless assault costing 160 casualties. The 95^th took more losses as they fell backwards, and the frightened men spilled into the 69^th Indiana, disrupting their position, and causing confusion.

Meanwhile, on the other end of the battle front the Confederate defenses had stiffened and the well-placed Gray troops put such a heavy fire into the advancing Yanks that the Union attack stalled. In time, Smith’s men were able to push the Federals slowly backwards until both sides had returned to their original positions. During this time, however, Col. Pol was badly wounded.

Also at this time Cleburne was hit, a minie bullet entering, “…the aperture of the mouth while his mouth was open…without touching his lips, and passed out of the left cheek, carrying away in its course five lower teeth, without touching or injuring the bone…” With Cleburne unable to speak, Col. Preston Smith was given command of the division and Col. A. H. Vaughan, Jr. assumed command of Smith’s division.

McCray’s four small regiments passed through a cornfield and into a wooded ravine, while the brigade of Col. McNair was held in reserve. McCray’s 1,500 Texans and Arkansans came out of the woods directly against the right wing of the Union line. The Yank defenders were the 95^th Ohio and the 69^th Indiana, the two green regiments still in disarray following the 95^th’s ill-advised movements. McCray’s Confederates surged from their cover and assailed the Union flank. The surprised Federal formations disintegrated and fled in disorder. The next Union regiment to take on the onslaught was the 18^th Kentucky, under the command of Col. W. A. Warner. The 18^th stood their ground, fighting fiercely and suffered heavy casualties.

By 10:30 a.m. the 18^th had taken about as much punishment as these inexperienced troops could withstand. They retreated, carrying with them two regiments of Cruft’s Brigade, the 12^th Indiana and the 66^th Indiana, two units which had just arrived on the scene. The entire mob of men ran north, and “…at this juncture the whole thing was fast becoming shameful…” The 48^th Tennessee reported capturing 165 prisoners and considerable amounts of equipment. One Tennessean wrote, “…the Federals relieved themselves of their blankets and extra luggage, left them in a heap to one side [of the road]…it fell to us…”

Union Cavalry under Col. Medcalfe attempted to stave off the collapse. They were supported by the unbloodied 12^th and 66^th Indiana, which formed to the east of the turnpike. Groups of routed soldiers gathered around these formations and reformed. A defensive line was created behind a screen of Medcalfe’s cavalry, and supported by one brass cannon from the Michigan battery, the resolute Yanks prepared to fight some more. The Confederates did not press, so the Federals slowly backed northwards until they reached the peaceful, and well-kept grounds of the palatial White’s Farm. Here they reformed and sorted themselves out and organized themselves for their next defense.

White’s Farm

Cruft’s Brigade reorganized and positioned itself on a hill on the west side of the road. These soldiers were now exhausted and very short on drinking water. Cruft sent two regiments to a position behind a stone wall overlooking a cornfield, and sent his other two regiments into the woods flanking the cornfield. Manson’s tired troops were sent east of the road, and the men moved in behind fences. However, at this time, Manson received orders not to attack or defend, but rather, to retreat.

Cleburne’s Division, now under Preston Smith moved to assail the new Union line. He struck their center. McCray’s Brigade moved to strike the Federal right. Unfortunately McCray’s Brigade reached position and began an attack before Smith’s men were ready, Smith having been slow to get his brigades into position. Some of his men had taken time to go through the Union packs and wagons abandoned on the first battlefield. One regiment of Arkansas troops had thrown down their ancient flintlocks and gone about the field collecting the hardly used Federal Enfields and Springfields, so only a thin skirmish line of Smith’s men were in position to attack. These men were quickly driven to ground by massed volleys from the reorganized 95^th Ohio and the 66^th Indiana.

Most of Smith’s men still remained on the field from which the Union had made their first stand. Not only were they scavenging equipment but they were also being forced to wait for their ordnance train so as to restore their supplies of ammunition. Here, they also were able to replenish their scanty supply of water. The Confederates were, “…exhausted from [the] previous hard marching, loss of sleep, and scant fare were compelled to desist from the pursuit…”

Union troops had taken position behind heavily overgrown fence lines. Officers kept their men hidden for as long as possible, hoping the Confederates would blunder into them. McCray’s men advanced to within 400 yards of the Union lines before suffering from Manson’s artillery fire. But the Gray lines charged closer. When the Confederates were hardly 50 yards away, the Union soldiers emerged from their shelter and poured volley after volley into them.

McCray’s troops were hurt by this concentrated fire. Other Union companies which were, “…concealed by a cornfield and a skirt of timber…” also directed their fire upon this exposed brigade. The Confederates were forced to take refuge in a ditch behind a fence. McCray quickly ordered Captain John Humphreys’ Arkansas battery’s two guns to shell the Yank positions.

The Federals opposite McCray then advanced from their position and charged. McCray’s veterans fired when the Union force was about 30 yards away. The volley stunned the inexperienced Federals, halting their momentum, and then the Confederates charged. Colonel Warner (18^th Kentucky) was shot through the chest. The green Federals gave ground and slowly fell back, retreating nearly a mile, but all the while, firing from, “…behind trees, haystacks, corn pens, and a fence…” The fighting lasted for an hour before the Yanks’ will collapsed and they fled. McCray’s men captured 600 rifles and 300,000 Enfield rifle cartridges.

Most of the Union positions were taken easily as the Federals retreated. A well-protected Blue battalion, however, stayed and poured heavy fire into the 154^th Senior Tennessee regiment, forcing the soldiers to take cover behind a rail fence. Their commander, Col. Ed Fitzgerald was shot from his horse and killed. The unit remained pinned down, leaderless, until Lt. Col. Mageveney shouted, “…[M]ount the fence, lads; mount the fence and at ‘m; charge!…” With this, the 154^th clambered over the rails, fired their weapons, and charged. They drove the last of the Union troops from the field.

Other Confederates; those from Churchill’s other brigade, commanded by McNair, rushed past the 154^th in pursuit. They were able to capture one Federal Parrot rifle. However, by 3 p.m., the exhausted Rebs halted, having no more energy to pursue.

Richmond, Indiana

Nelson arrived at Richmond at 2 p.m. He was cheered by the remaining 2,200 soldiers. He had reached Lancaster at 9:30 a.m. and had heard the gunfire, grabbed a fresh horse and rushed along back roads to avoid possible Confederate patrols, to reach Richmond. He ordered a stand outside of Richmond, shouting, “…I make due allowance for your being new hands at this business; I will show you how to whip the scamps…”

Nelson positioned the 69^th Indiana on the Union right flank, anchoring them in a wooded area. He set the 12^th, 16^th, and 71^st Indiana to the left of the 69^th. These three regiments build up defenses while looking out across a cornfield. The 95^th Ohio was stationed around the turnpike’s toll gate and the men of the 66^th Indiana sheltered themselves among the gravestones of Richmond Cemetery. The 18^th Kentucky was put out on the Union left. The weary men positioned themselves where ever they could, behind stone walls, rails, and haystacks. The third segment of the fight was to occur here, just a few hundred yards south of Richmond.

Kirby Smith directed Churchill to take his division and attack the Union right. Churchill placed McCray’s and McNair’s soldiers side-by-side, and the 2,000 men pushed into the corn before the Yank lines. Preston Smith’s two brigades were ordered to charge the Union center and left. This attack began at about 7 p.m., as the sun began to sun. The Confederate attack came, “…in front and on both flanks simultaneously with vigor…” The Union troops waited until the Rebs were very near before opening fire. The 66^th Indiana waited until the attackers were only 60 yards distant. The Confederates shook off the Blue volleys and returned fire. The fighting was the heaviest of the day. One Union company lost a third of its men in less than ten minutes. Casualties mounted quickly as the Confederates closed on the Union positions.

Then, the exhausted Federals’ energies seemed to flag. One Union regiment withstood, “…three [close] volleys and then fled in disorder…” Here and there, in small groups, weary soldiers began to drift away from the line and edge towards the presumed safety of Richmond. The trickle of worn out men increased and eventually, large gaps began to appear in the Union defenses. All the while, the Confederates kept up heavy pressure.

The rest of the defenders remained to fight for only another half hour before their battle line collapsed. The front dissipated and the routed men streamed into Richmond. The 69^th Indiana attempted to rally and fight a rear guard action but they were soon swept away by the growing panic. Many officers fell in this final struggle; Lt. Col. Butler, commander of the 2^nd Tennessee (CSA) was killed, and Col. McMillen of the 95^th Ohio was wounded.

Earlier in the day, Col. Scott and his Confederate cavalry had been sent to gain the rear of Richmond. With his 850 men, Scott took up a position on the Lexington and Lancaster roads. They went, “…into a cornfield and formed a line of battle. Every row went straight to the pike, and each man had a row to himself…” Scott’s men began to pick up the first Union stragglers about 4 p.m. Then, the last strains of discipline crumbled, and, “…both officers and men became reckless of all restraint or command, and rushed pell mell to the rear, amidst a mingled mass of horses, wagons, [and] artillery…in an utter rout.” After 8 p.m., masses of routed Federals were rounded up. The Confederate cavalry, “…fell upon the helpless and demoralized mass of fugitives, and either slew them or captured them without much show of resistance…” The only organized command was by the 3^rd Tennessee Cavalry (US), under the command of Lt. Col. Childs, with his 250 troopers. But this lone Federal cavalry unit was scattered by Scott’s forces and Childs was captured. After the fighting ended, the 3^rd Tennessee could only muster 80 men.

The disorganized Federals offered little resistance. “…[the Union] infantry tried to escape, but when they reach the ambush, they threw down their arms and surrendered, and were marched back to Richmond…” And, to add to the confusion, a half dozen political prisoners had been released from jail by the Confederates. These individuals ran about Richmond, “…frantic with joy…”

Gen. Manson rallied about 100 men and retreated four miles north of the town. Here, they were ambushed by Confederate cavalry who had hidden in a cornfield to the left of the road. Over 40 of Manson’s men fell. Manson’s horse was shot and fell upon the general, injuring him and leaving him helpless. He was captured, suffering from chest injuries.

While Manson was being taken into custody Gen. Nelson was also wounded in the thigh and captured, however, later in the night’s confusion, he escaped into a cornfield and got away.

Federal storehouses were broken into by the hungry and ill-equipped Johnnies, one writing, “…they had great quantities of stores and munitions of war at this place…canned fruits of all kinds, condensed milk…cheese, and other edibles. They also had large quantities of clothing, hats, shoes, etc…all of which we put to good use…” In fact, there were so many blue-uniformed Confederates the next day that considerable confusion resulted. Kirby Smith had to issue an order to his soldiers to resume wearing their familiar gray uniforms.

The next day the badly mauled Federal units tried to regroup. The surviving soldiers who had not been picked up by Scott’s cavalry were scattered all over the region. These men resolutely made their way back to Lexington. By this time the Union high command was able to assess the Richmond debacle. Only 800 to 900 soldiers could be counted, and many of those were from the 18^th Kentucky. The 95^th Ohio had been reduced to 168 soldiers. The Confederates did little to pursue the beaten Yanks, as they were also exhausted. Therefore, Gen. Smith ordered a day of rest.

Kirby Smith had commanded in his first major battle and had won what might have been a decisive action. He had sent about 5,000 men into battle and lost 451 (about 9%). The Federals had started with 6,500 men and lost 5,353 killed, wounded, and captured. This loss totaled an incredible 82 percent! The Union also lost nine pieces of artillery and 24 wagons, from which the Confederates captured 10,000 weapons.

With this, the first major conflict of the Kentucky Campaign over, but this incredible outcome worked inversely for both sides. The results galvanized the Federals, and people of nearby states. Nelson rallied the citizens and organized Louisville into such a defensive powerhouse that the Confederates never could threaten it. The citizens of Cincinnati put the city under martial law and almost overnight, constructed ten miles of trenches and gun emplacements. The Confederates, on the other hand, had reached the high point of their northern advance. Though some Gray units advanced to within a mile or two of the bristling Cincinnati defenses, they did not have the resources or power to succeed. Thus, the Confederates were never able to take advantage of their overwhelming first success. The invasion which had begun with such a triumph, failed to live up to its promise, and their initiative was, in the end, largely wasted.

This report covers the fieldwork by the author and a substantial crew of students who were especially interested in the unusual series of rock alignments at the Party Hill Bay site. This site is located in southeastern California, approximately 15 miles northwest of Baker, California. The specific area surveyed in this project covers about 1/3 square mile or about .86 square kilometer.

The site is situated just west of a chain of low hills that bound the Silver Lake playa on its western shore. These hills are basically of a carbonate nature, composed of meta-limestones and dolomite. They are underlain by Mesozoic quart diorite, or quartz monzanite which underlies most of the area (Grose 1959).

The morphology of the area is composed of three geologic features: (1) the playa, (2) the dolomite hills, and (3) the alluvial fans. The playa is a dry lake bed that covers about 10 square miles (26 sq. km.). This flat area has been created by the deposition of silt from waters that have drained from the surrounding higher elevations. The depth of the basin underlying the clay surface is not known and may be quite deep. Cores from wells dug in the area show evidence of silt deposition at least 200 feet (60 m.) deep (Rogers 1939). The majority of the silt is deposited by the ephemerally flowing Mojave River that drains into this basin from the south.

From the playa the elevation increases quickly along the western shoreline. The dolomite hills rise here to nearly 1700 feet (518 m.). These rocky hills were formed by the activity of the Soda-Avawatz Fault (Hamlin 1977).

On the eastern side of the playa, a broad alluvial fan stretched from the shoreline to the Turquoise Mountain range. This fan, nearly 15 miles wide (24 km.), displays a continuum of rock debris size from large fractured boulders of several tons to silt grains that weigh less than .1 gram.

The site lies in a small bay on the northwest margin of the playa. This area is mainly blow sand that has been deposited on the regressing playa shoreline. The terrain contains benches that have retained water-worn pebbles incorporated into desert pavement. One these benches the rock alignments exist.

The plants occupying this region have adapted to a severely harsh environment. The scant moisture, often below 2 inches (10 cm.) annually. Summer temperatures may exceed 120° F (49° C.) with surface temperature above 160° F. (71° C.) and winds may blow above 65 mph (105 kmph). The annual evaporation rate is nearly 15 ft. (4.75 m.). A list of the plants identified in the site area is as follows (Venner 1977):

Archaeological Fieldwork

We divided the fieldwork into two phases: (1) survey, and (2) mapping. The Party Hill Bay Site is not far from several roads and is located in an area that is subjected to occasional campouts and parties. The terrain is accessible to off-road vehicles such as jeeps, dune buggies, and motorcycles. Thus, vandalism has occurred to many of the alignments. The fieldwork was an attempt both graphically and photographically to record what is present, before any more damage can occur. In effect, this work can be termed salvage archaeology (Hole and Heizer 1973).

We began the survey by dividing the site into transects and walking over each transect. Any sites located, both historic as well as pre-historic were recorded. The mapping phase involved graphical placement of the alignments in relation to each other, as well as the mapping of the features of each alignment. This was accomplished by a combination of grid layouts and surveying techniques.

We examined any flakes and other materials of interest.

Rock Alignments

We discovered that the rock alignments were in close proximity to each other. They were all situated at about the same elevation, 920 ft. elevation, and embedded into the exposed desert pavement. Most of the alignments were found to be in direct association with some the lacustrine strandlines. All of the stones used in the alignments were collected locally from outcrops of quartz diorite. The early peoples gathered these clasts from Party Hill, which overlooks the site area.

The individual lithic pieces of the alignments were generally similar size and shape, with variations of course. The most commonly-sized rock was 9-12 inches long and 6-8 inches wide. They were usually embedded into the desert pavement about half their thickness. The exposed rock surfaces displayed evidence of sandblasting and desert varnish while the submerged portion had acquired the characteristic orange-to-yellow ground patina commonly found on the buried surfaces of desert rocks that have not been disturbed for a long period of time (Hayden 1976). A limited amount of caliche had also formed beneath the buried surfaces.

The alignments consist of three general descriptive types: (1) linear, (2) crescentic, and (3) ovid. These three shapes serve only as a means by which to group the alignments by shape so as to aid in our understanding of their nature. The functions of these alignments and the possible activities that occurred nearby will be discussed in the conclusion.

Rock Alignment Types

With one exception, alignments are all less than 12 feet in length or diameter. The exception is a large alignment nearly 75 feet long (23 m.). All alignments consist of one-course layering, and the alignment stones are distinct from the country rock, which is predominantly calcareous tufa. There are a total of 25 alignments. The most common is the crescentic form.

Linear Alignments

The linear alignments are a nearly-straight alignment of rock. Their positioning, in respect to the extinct shoreline, is almost always at right angles. Their deployment is generally east-west. The alignments of this type are; C, M, and AA. Alignments C and M are represented below. Alignment AA will be treated by itself because of its inherent size difference.

Crescentic Alignments

This type of alignment was most common. There has been a further subdivision of this type into two subtypes: I and II. All of the crescentic alignments are parallel to the shore strandlines. They are embedded into the tufa gravel and desert pavement that forms the crust on top of the benches in the area. All of these alignments have their wings pointed towards the extinct shore with their apex towards the lacustrine.

Subtype I

Subtype I can be described as ‘V’-shaped. Alignments B, E, G, and Q all possess a significant characteristic that differentiates them from Subtype II; this is the opening at the apex at the deeper end, and this difference is discussed in the conclusion.

Subtype II

Subtype II is best described as ‘U’-shaped. This form includes alignments; A, D, H, I, J, L, and N. These features lack the interruption at the apex that Subtype I contains. A second characteristic of difference between the two subtypes is the presence of small dunes on the windward sides of some of the alignments. The most likely cause for this Aeolian build-up is that some of these alignments have slightly larger rocks than Subtype I.

Ovoid Alignments

The ovoid-shaped features are rock scatters that conform to an overall circular form. This type includes Alignments; O, P, X, Y, Z, AB, AC, AD, and AE. They are all found up, away from the shorelines at higher elevations, 925-935 ft. (281-285 m.), than the other two types. They obviously have a separate cultural meaning.

Other Alignments

There are two types of alignments we separated from the three major types; (1) the large alignment, and (2) badly vandalized forms. Alignment AA is nearly 75 feet (23 m.) long and is basically linear. It is composed of nearly 250 stones, some weighing as much as 50 pounds (22.7 kg.). This alignment lies away from the shorelines in close association with the ovoid types. The possible function of this alignment will be discussed in the conclusion.

The remaining alignments have been disturbed to the point that it is not possible to obtain any accurate account of their original form. These alignments, thus, are of little archaeological value.

Other Alignments

A total of 48 siliceous flakes were recorded and separated into four descriptive types, based upon rock material. The descriptive types are; (1) fine grained basalt, (2) chalcedony, (3) jasper, and (4) rhyolite. The flakes were all small, ½ to 1½ inches long and ⅓ to 1¼ inches wide. They all were produced by percussion flaking. Some exhibited pressure flaking also. Wind damage is severe on nearly every piece.

Over ¾ of the flakes are classified as debris from a knapper’s workshop. These would be the discarded pieces that are wasted away in the knapping process of manufacturing lithic tools. Some of the pieces represented shapes that are associated with scraper forms, as well as knife forms. These will be discussed in the conclusion.

We found one projectile point. This artifact is a Silver Lake Point, which can be employed as a tentative temporal type. Silver Lake Points have been found in association with radiocarbon datable materials and a time frame for the manufacture of these artifacts can be assumed. The significance of this point is discussed in the conclusion.

Lithic Descriptive Types

Discussion

There is considerable evidence that dramatic changes in climate have occurred in the Lake Mojave basin since it was occupied by prehistoric peoples. At present the area exhibits the characteristics of the Lower Sonoran life-zone: precipitation is minimal, temperature range widely, as well as being extreme, and flora is sparse and well adapted to an arid environment. Factors support the idea of a pluvial condition during the last glacial period. There were cooler temperatures, considerably more precipitation, and a change in the vegetation zones.

Paleoclimatic reconstructions have been developed (Mehringer 1967, Leskinen 1975, King 1976, and Malde 1964). They have demonstrated that the climatic conditions fluctuated. Using fossil pollen studies, Mehringer suggests that vegetation zones were lowered nearly 3,200 feet (990 m.) during the last pluvial period. Malde stated, 12,000 – 13,000 years ago the annual temperatures were reduced 10-12° F. (5-7° C.). King has obtained samples of Juniper (Juniperus californica) and Pinyon Pine (Pinus monophylla) from woodrat  (Neotoma lepida) nests that have been radio-carbon dated from 8,000 – 12,000 BP. These nests now, are situated in areas that are too warm and too dry to support such types of plants.

The lowering of the annual temperature, as suggested by Malde would result in more precipitation. Malde postulates as much as 8 extra inches (20 cm) of moisture each year. This additional moisture could support life forms which now exist only at higher elevation. The decrease in elevation of the Pinyon-Juniper and the High Desert Woodland biotic community 3,250 feet (990 m.) from its present location would position this zone at about the 1,500 – 1,700 (457-518 m.) elevation level. This would bring this life zone to within a mile (1.6 km) or so of the Silver Lake shorelines. The higher elevation life zones would also be lowered accordingly: The Ponderosa Pine forest and the Lodge pole Pine—White Fir forests. There would also be an introduction of the Alpine Fell life zone (Jaeger and Smith 1971) near the peaks of the higher mountains.

The runoff and drainage of this additional precipitation , which would be amplified by a tremendous drop in the evaporation rate, would allow the creation of fresh water lacustrial stands (lakes); and, in such a fashion, the Lake Mojave basin was filled. There is evidence to support the suggestion that the body of water existed continuously, for nearly 2,000 years; from 11,000 to 9,000 years ago (Ore and Warren 1971).

This lake would have created its own biotic communities. Riparian woodlands would have appeared along the major drainages between the higher elevations and the lacustrial shoreline. This would have introduced such major species as Cottonwoods (Populus trichocarpa), Maples (Acer macrophyllum), and willows (Saliz sp.) (Jaeger and Smith 1971). Around the shorelines of the lake, a freshwater marsh environment would have existed. In these lake shallows, plants such as Tules (Acirpus acutus), and Cattails (Typha latifolia or T. angustifolia) (Weide 1968), as well as Rushes (Eleocharis spp.) and Sedges (Carex spp.) (Jaeger and Smith 1971). The existence of each one of these life zones would have also produced its own characteristic faunal communities as well.

It will be noted that the aqua environment of Lake Mojave has not been developed. The availability of a body of water the size of Lake Mojave creates possibilities for many sub-aqueous animal species. A walk along some of the shorelines is all that is necessary to document the existence of freshwater clams (Anadontis californicus). Tests for the presence of fish have not been made. Weide (1968) indicates that the pluvial fresh water lakes of neighboring Coachella Valley possessed fish. Further evidence for the existence of fish in Lake Mojave is presented by the interpretation of some of the cultural remains that have been found at the Party Hill Bay site.

The presence of Lake Mojave and the vegetation zones listed, as well as the animals appropriate to each life zone, would have presented a rich food source for prehistoric humans. We interpret the existence of the Party Hill Bay site as an area of exploitation of this rich food environment.

The presence of the rock alignments suggest three different functions, each function corresponding with a different alignment design. The rock alignment functional types will be termed as the following: (1) Fish weirs, (2) Hunting blinds, and (3) Shelters. The lithic artifacts were identified as food gathering and preparation tools used in hunting, hide scraping, flesh cutting, and wood and vegetable cutting.

Fish Weirs

Wilke (personal communication) has studied fish weirs along the shorelines of Lake Cahuilla and has developed a descriptive type, as well as suggesting how these forms were used. These features are described as being either ‘V’ or ‘U’-shaped with the wings extending towards the shore. They have an opening at the apex in the deeper water. These weirs were used to channel the escape of fish. The route of the fish was controlled so they had to pass through the opening at the end of the alignment. At this point, a dip net or some other form of catchment device awaited the fish.

The Alignments; B, G, E, and Q fit this description of the Wilke fish weirs. All four alignments can be described as ‘V’-shaped and possess the opening at the apex on the down-slope side. They occupy an elevational relationship to each other along a series of definable shorelines. The possibility of more fish weirs existing is present but so far only three can be confidently describes as fish weirs. There has been some vandalism in the area caused by vehicular traffic, as the bench that these alignments occupy provides a smooth and firm surface to drive across.

Hunting Blinds

Wallace (1976) has described hunting blinds in the Death Valley area. Two types are discussed: one for hunting large mammalian game such as deer and sheep, and a second type used for hunting water fowl. The Party Hill Bay features resemble the characteristics of the waterfowl blinds. The Death Valley waterfowl blinds were constructed near past bodies of water where Tules (Scripus acutus) and other marsh plants existed. The blinds consisted of brush and sticks that would form a small dome-shaped, house like structure. It seems likely that these blinds were anchored by an arrangement of stones which would be circular or crescentic in shape.

Alignments A, D, H, I, J and L present shapes that could have served this hunting function. They are all on a similar elevation. They could help conceal hunters who crouched behind, or within these brush shelters, lying in wait for ducks and geese, and other waterfowl to come within striking range.

Shelters

Rogers (1939) described certain rock alignments which he called house-shelter types. They usually consisted of a circular arrangement of rocks with an average diameter of 6 feet (1.8 m.). Rogers presented ethnographic evidence that supported his idea of these alignments being used as sleeping circles. He cited an 1872 report that described these rock circles as serving as an anchor for brush and sticks which would have broken the winds, as well as providing shade. The most common shapes are drawn below: (Pourade, ed. 1966)

While none of the Party Hill Bay alignment completely reproduces these forms, Alignments N and P closely approximate one of these features. The possibility of them providing a form of limited weather protection can be inferred. As with the hunting blinds, the vegetal material has been destroyed, but the rock alignments remain, providing a hint as to how the area was used by the ancients.

A second type of circular arrangement may also provide evidence of a dwelling form. Alignments X and AC are circular in overall form but have rocks scattered over the entire area, rather than just being confined to the “walls.” It is possible that these were also shelters but have been disturbed by vandalism.

Other Alignments

Two other types of alignment designs exist at the site. The first is composed of linear arrangement (Alignment M). Because of this alignment’s position with relation to the ground slope, the possibility exists that this was some form of check dam, used for controlling water runoff. A simply built water-control device would be a single line of rocks that would cross a watercourse at right angles; it purpose would be to slow the water and cause a small pool to form (Venner 1974).

The second example of alignment is also basically linear in design but the overall size dwarfs all the other alignments. Alignment AA is 75 feet (22 m.) long. It was first noted by Ore and Warren (1971). This feature may have served as a windbreak, in which living activities could have occurred on the lee side. This in inferred from the cultural materials found by the Ore and Warren excavations. They uncovered flakes, broken clam shells (Anadonta californica), and other possible artifacts. This seems to be a likely function for the alignment, envisioning the ancients using this rock line to hold down sticks and brush.

The alignment does not appear to be a water-control device such as Alignment M, as there appears to be no prehistoric water drainage seen in the area, nor is there any deposit of silt on the upstream side, which would have built up when the silt-laden waters would have been slowed by a check dam. Alignments of this shape and size have usually been defined as of ceremonial use (Rogers 1939, Pourade, ed. 1966, King and Casebier 1974, and Benton 1977). As more data becomes available we hope to be able to create a supportable thesis concerning the function of this alignment.

Lithics

Most of the pieces that were studies appear to be waste flaking from a general workshop area that lies west of the large alignment. These flakes show no evidence of retouch or of usage. At present there is no way to associate these pieces with any tool tradition or horizon. The scrapers that were located and examined (#8, 11, 15, 16, 17, 22, and 31) were mainly a thin percussion flake in which certain portions of the margin had been retouched. They were probably used on skins.

The knives in the artifact inventory (#7, 34, and 36) were of a plano-convex shape. They, as the scrapers have suffered the effects of blowing sand and show no evidence of usage. The knife types were probably used to cut flesh or vegetal materials. Both the scrapers and the knives can be classified as existing within the San Dieguito Playa Complex, as defined by Rogers (1939).

The hunting implement is a projectile point, a Silver Lake Point. This point type is well known and has been reported by many (Campbell, et all 1937, Hunt 1958, Davis 1964, Rogers 1939, Wallace 1962, and Bettinger and Taylor 1974). This artifact has a temporal range established from radiocarbon dates of associated artifacts from other sites at a date of from 6,000 to 8,000 BP (Wallace 1962, and Bettinger and Taylor 1974).

Final Summation

In conclusion, we have provided evidence establishing the activities which occurred along the northwest shore of Lake Mojave during the last pluvial period 12,000 to 8,000 years ago. During this age of wetter climates and more vegetation, the ancients lived along the shores of the lake and hunted game such as deer and sheep, and waterfowl. Artifacts from the site also indicate such life-support activities as fishing, clam collecting, processing vegetal foods, skinning hides, and preparing meat. We will continue to work along the shorelines of this playa and gather more information that will enable us to further develop a reconstruction of the various activities that occurred during pluvial times.

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In September 1861, as military patriotism filled the air, Alexander Alley, a prominent farmer from Jasper, Tenn. sought to create a Confederate infantry company. By January 1862, Alley had established the command structure for his company and was ready to begin recruiting. Men from the town of Jasper and farmers from the county of Marion came to the courthouse and signed the muster roll. As soon as word reached Chattanooga more recruits rushed to join Alley’s company. By the end of January, there were 71 men in the company’s ranks.

These patriotic enlistees came from all backgrounds and were of all ages. Theodore Flora, a 14-year-old youngster ran away from home in McMinnville, Tenn. and traveled nearly fifty miles to join the company. Thirteen-year-old Harrison Hicks, a large youth standing 5-foot-6, also disappeared from home and signed up. The Pendley’s—47-year-old Hezekiah and his two teenaged sons, John and Joel—also answered Alley’s call. William Rankin, a lawyer, joined the company and was quickly made the ordnance sergeant. In all, of the 64 who volunteered in January 1862, the average age was barely twenty-one. The majority of these men were farmers, farmhands, or common laborers. Most were single, and over a dozen could not read or write.

They were an exuberant collection, out to have a good time during what they believed would be a short war. The newly promoted captain, Alley, who was paid $130 per month, and his lieutenants—Tom Rawlings, A. M. Monds, and William Ballard—had their hands full attempting to turn these volunteers into an organized force. The staff work fell on Rawlings, a Jasper merchant. This would prove to be a difficult job throughout the war. Confederate military records of January 1862 show his request for 65 sets of trousers, drawers, forage caps, flannel shirts, cotton shirts, and 45 pairs of extra socks.

The Confederate government recognized Alley’s company and designated it as Company ‘I”, 36^th Tennessee, placing it under the command of Colonel Robert Morgan. But the 36^th Tennessee was never much more than a small battalion. Morgan’s understrength regiment was immediately transported into northeast Tennessee, to operate between Morristown, Tenn. and the Cumberland Gap.

In the months that followed, the harsh realities of war began to tell upon the volunteers. For many of these country-folk, this was the first time they had to take orders or concern themselves with sanitation. Some soldiers immediately deserted, taking their expensive weapons and equipment with them. The loss of these materials was dutifully noted, and the AWOL soldier was charge, even down to 25 cents per cartridge.

In February 1862, Private William Rolins saw his diarrhea turn serious and he became the first significant casualty. He was sent home and was never seen again. Twenty-four-year-old Private Benjamin Levis’ illness also worsened and he died, becoming the first of the company to die. In March 1862, the company was involved in its first fight, a small skirmish not far from the Cumberland Gap. Though none of Alley’s company were injured, one man in the 36^th Tennessee was mortally wounded and died soon afterward. Being shot at and seeing death close up made the war much more serious to the light-hearted Tennessee boys. Three more privates immediately deserted.

In April 1862, the Confederate Congress passed a law ordering all men between the ages of 18 and 35 into compulsory military service. This law did little to enlarge the company’s rolls, adding only four enlistments, including the three Crow brothers; Finn, Tom, and William. But the rest of the 36^th Tennessee was in trouble. Some of the other companies had men whose Southern sympathies were not strong. Faced with a shortage of food and supplies, they began to desert, sneaking through the picket lines and joining Tennessee’s Union forces.

In May 1862, the remnants of the regiment were pulled out of the Cumberland Gap and sent to Kingston, east of Knoxville. There, the regiment was disbanded. For Alley’s men the picket duty in the Cumberland Gap had been costly. They had lost two more men to disease—19-year-old Talton Lewis and 14-year-old John Pell.

Alley remained in command of his remaining resolute soldiers as well as some other troops from other companies. This unit became known as Alley’s Independent Company. Alley moved his men back to Marion County in order to protect their homes from marauders. In July, the company collected ten new recruits, including five who came north from Dalton, GA. Alley’s Independent Company now number seventy.

In July 1862, Confederate General Braxton Bragg began moving his troops to Chattanooga. With large numbers of Confederate forces moving up and down Marion County’s Sequatchie Valley, it became easier to induct those men who had avoided the draft. More men joined the company following Lee’s victory at the Second Battle of Manassas. Alley’s company swelled to one hundred soldiers. They were older now, averaging twenty-four years of age. Most of them were married and many were property owners. They signed up because they had to.

In late August 1862, Bragg and Maj. Gen. Kirby Smith began their invasion of Kentucky. Their forces surged northward and won a major battle at Richmond, Kentucky. Smith’s Confederates swept aside all Federal resistance and captured Lexington and the state’s capital, Frankfort. But this campaign ate up troops. In Smith’s need for more men Alley’s Independent Company was assigned to the 35^th Tennessee, as Company ‘L’. However, due to nomenclature misunderstandings, the 35^th Tennessee would go through the war also being called the 5^th, or Hill’s Regiment, after their commanding officer, Colonel Benjamin Hill.

Company ‘L’ joined the 35^th as the regiment retreated from Kentucky as the campaign ended. The 35^th had seen little action, but the men were tired and disillusioned. They had completely worn out their boots and equipment in the constant marching. They had also seen their efforts fail due to the incompetent leadership of Bragg. The regiment marched to Murfreesboro, Tenn. as Bragg sought to fight the Union forces pushing southward from Nashville. In December 1862, the 35^th was sent to Wartrace, Tenn. some twenty miles south of Murfreesboro, and ordered to establish a winter camp. Seeing little prospect for action, nearly a dozen of Alley’s company deserted for home, promising to return in the spring.

Right after Christmas the regiment was hustled northward and positioned just outside of Murfreesboro. In the tremendous battle of Murfreesboro, on December 31, Alley’s company was within the brigade command of Brig. Gen. Lucius E. Polk. Polk’s Brigade made up part of the Confederate left wing, which was to strike the Union right flank.

The 35^th Tennessee, along with the rest of Polk’s Brigade, struck the Union troops of Brig. Gen. William Carlin’s 32^nd Brigade. Carlin’s men were broken and driven back in a stiff fight resulting in over 600 Union casualties. The 35^th pushed through Carlin’s position, helped collected nearly 200 prisoners, and then moved forward. Later that day the tired Confederates ran into the Federal Brigade of Brig. Gen. Samuel Beatty. Beatty’s men staggered Polk’s regiments and inflicted nearly 350 casualties.

Repeated attacks by the Union regiments finally forced the Rebels to withdraw. The 35^th had suffered 25 casualties, and the men of Alley’s company had been severely bloodied. One man had been captured and two more were missing. Private William Smith had been struck in the foot, Clinton Johns shot in the thigh, John Parker hit in the arm, Ezekial Templeton in the hand and thigh, and Absalom Higgins shot through the neck.

Following the battle the battered and exhausted Confederates were sent back to Wartrace for the winter. The company struggled through the rain and mud, and for 24-year-old Jonathan Lewis, it be his last winter. In January 1863 he died of illness. The winter was one of dissatisfaction and hardship as Bragg proved to be inept at supplying his soldiers with equipment, clothing, and food. As a result of poor supplies, inadequate housing and terrible sanitation, three more Marion County soldiers died of disease—15-year-old Harrison Hicks, 23-year-old T. Maxwell, and 17-year-old G. Woods.

The spring of 1863 found only 55 men left in Company ‘L’. They were poorly outfitted, poorly fed, and rusty from inaction. Rawlings requested 24 pairs of boots, 19 shirts, 13 pants, and 11 hats in an attempt to resupply clothing that had been used up during the winter.

In June 1863, Union Gen. William Rosecrans began to slide his troops into eastern Tennessee, steadily pushing southward toward Chattanooga. Bragg fell back before the better-equipped Federal troops. Soon, the Marion County men were close to their homes again and Alley saw his company melt away.

Confederate morale began to dissipate following the losses at Vicksburg and Gettysburg, in July 1863, and Company ‘L’ was reduced by another dozen desertions. In August, seven more men disappeared, followed by six in September, including Lieutenant William Ballard. By mid-September, hardly more than three-dozen men remained in Alley’s company.

The Confederate army sullenly retreated from Tennessee and took up positions in northwestern Georgia. Then, Lt. Gen. James Longstreet’s veterans joined Bragg’s troops and the Army of Tennessee stiffened. On September 19, 1863 they attacked at the Federals at Chickamauga.

Alley’s company remained within Lucius Polk’s brigade. They went into line about noon and, at dusk, moved toward the Union left flank. Federal soldiers of Brig. Gen. Absalom Baird’s division lay before them. The two forces fought in the twilight, firing at each other’s muzzle blasts. Once it was too dark to continue, the embattled men of Company ‘L’ lay down among the dead and wounded a spent a terrible night. The wounded moaned and cried, the autumn night turned bitterly cold, and anxious pickets blazed away at any sound.

Daylight on September 20 brought renewed fighting. The exhausted men of the 35^th Tennessee scrounged for cartridges and replaced broken equipment from materials found among the dead. In time, the men were ordered forward; Alley’s men grimly made their way through the thick foliage, and then came under heavy fire from entrenched Union troops. Company ‘L’ was riddled by gunfire. Thirty-five-year-old Private H. Burroughs was shot and killed. Private Henry Woods, 31, also died. Henry Kersey, B. McKinzie, Mathew Musgrave, and Clinton Johns were wounded. For Johns, this was his second battle and his second injury. He would linger on in a hospital in Atlanta before dying in November.

 The entire Confederate attack stalled. Though the battle of Chickamauga was to rage on and ultimately result in a Confederate victory, the shattered Company ‘L’ had already done its duty. The muster call the next day would record the loss of six more veterans from southeastern Tennessee. Company ‘L’ lost 11, the 35^th Tennessee lost 62, and Polk’s Brigade in all lost 605.

            The Union army retreated to Chattanooga and the Confederates followed slowly, taking up positions in the heights above the city, but much had to be done to repair the shattered Confederate units. To try and restore some organizational integrity, many units were combined. Survivors of the 35^th Tennessee joined with those of the 48^th Tennessee, men from Maury, Hickman, and Lewis counties.

The siege of Chattanooga was as miserable for the Confederates as it was for the Federals. Again, Bragg was unable to support his army—food supplies were short, and equipment and clothing nearly impossible to replace. The arrival of Maj. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant soon brought a change in the fighting capabilities of the Union army. In late November 1863, assaults on the Confederate held mountain and ridge above Chattanooga resulted in the disaster on Missionary Ridge.

The 35^th/48^th Tennessee remained within Polk’s command. They were located on the right of the Confederate lines and were part of Maj. Gen. Patrick Cleburne’s brilliant defensive fighting that halted the attacks of Maj. Gen. William Sherman at Tunnel Hill. When the disheartened Confederates gave way along their center and left flanks, there was little for Company ‘L’ to do but retreat to Ringgold, Georgia. But the fighting had cost Alley’s company again. Rawlings had been captured, as had Private Rufus Gibbons. By the time the company reformed outside of Ringgold there were four more names to be stricken from the roles.

The condition of the Confederate army continued to deteriorate. There were more shortages of food, weapons, ammunition, clothing, medicines, and tents. The rank and file completely distrusted Bragg and his supporters. One strong push by the Union command at this time probably would have crushed the entire Army of Tennessee. But that attack did not come. Union supplies were low, and political squabbles rocked the Northern high command. Federal forces had to acquire a new leader when Grant was shifted eastward to take over the reins of the Army of the Potomac. Meanwhile, Bragg was ordered to Richmond and stripped of his command. As the winter of 1863-64 set in, the Confederate army was introduced to its new commander, General Joseph E. Johnston.

Even though Johnston worked with much vigor to rebuild the Army of Tennessee, the losses during 1863 were irreplaceable. New brigade commanders had to be appointed and units resupplied. Two of Alley’s privates, David and J. H. Hoge, who were both railroadmen, were detached and sent to work on the Western & Atlantic Railroad, the main line linking the Confederates with Atlanta. Alley, having seen one officer desert and another captured, promoted Sergeant William Rankin to second lieutenant. With the return of some of the wounded who had recovered, the company now numbered twenty-five men. Company ‘L’ spent winter quarters at Dalton. Their regimental commanded, Colonel Benjamin Hill, was promoted to provost marshall general, and the command of the shrunken unit fell to Captain Henry Evans.

The spring and summer of 1864 brought with it the advance of the Union army. Johnston, realizing the weakness if his battered army, slowly fell back, giving ground only when outflanked. For Company ‘L’, during the nearly three months of constant contact with the Federal forces, losses steadily bled the soldiers from Marion County. Eighteen-year-old Corporal Martin was captured outside of Atlanta. Jonathan Bailey was captured at Mills Gap, Georgia, and died soon after. Private Jerry Head was captured at Whitfield, GA. Twenty-eight-year-old William Smith, the regimental color bearer, who had been wounded at Murfreesboro, was captured near Jonesboro, Georgia. Six other soldiers disappeared, either captured or as deserters.

President Jefferson Davis, unhappy with Johnston’s constant retreat, relieved him of command and replaced him with General John Bell Hood. The new commander immediately launched attack after attack and squandered his dwindling pool of veterans. Ultimately, the rail lines south of Atlanta were severed at Jonesboro. When Atlanta fell, the remaining men of Company ‘L’ retreated farther southward into Georgia—scarcely twenty men.

In October 1864 Hood gathered his small army together and marched them westward into Alabama. But most of Company ‘L’ was sent into central Georgia and became part of the 3^rd Consolidated Tennessee Regiment, which held veterans from the 4^th, 5^th, 19^th, 24^th, 31^st, 33^rd, 35^th, 38^th, and 48^th Tennessee regiments.

As Sherman ravaged Georgia and South Carolina in the winter of 1864-65, nearly half of the remaining Marion County men fell by the wayside, including Captain Alley. The Consolidated Tennessee Regiment finally surrendered to Union forces on May 1, 1865, at Greensboro, South Carolina. Company ‘L’ veterans present for parole on that day were; 2^nd Lieutenant William Rankin, Sergeant John Pendley, and Privates William Buckhart, Newton Collins, Capton Daffron, Theodore Flora, and Burl Templeton.

Company ‘L’, 35^th Tennessee, organized and formed in the winter of 1861-62, had seen the enlistment of 147 soldiers and officers. During the course of the war, 13 men had been discharged due to illness, 11 were discharged because of age or other infirmities, seven died of disease, and four died of wounds received in combat. The company had seen its share of heroes and cowards. But the men of Marion County and nearby Chattanooga had done their duty. They had fought and died for the cause they believed in—all anyone could have asked them to do.

            I am still working on the company’s position within the regiment, but at this time I believe it was slotted in the second line (Stewart, Pickett’s Charge). When the orders were given to attack Cemetery Ridge the first formation moved out and moments later, the second. The 7^th Tennessee, along with the other regiments of Archer’s Brigade appear to have been fortunate in that they suffered very little while crossing the near-thousand yards of space between Seminary Ridge and the Federal position. This good luck came at the expense of the Virginians of Pickett’s Division who found themselves the target of most of the Union artillery (Stewart). Thus, the 7^th Tennessee moved across the open ground fairly safely. A glance at the casualty reports confirms this statement.

            As the two formations crossed the fields the second line moved slightly faster than the front line. This was probably due to the leading formation’s ability to see what was before them. They saw the danger confronting them and this slowed their approach. They did receive artillery fire and these explosions disrupted their movement, and also impeded their speed.

            Meanwhile the second formation closed the interval between the two lines. They, as is normal, wanted to catch up with those ahead, and to get on with the lethal business at hand. Therefore, when the front line reached the stout fences lining Emmitsburg Road the rear line was close behind. Thus, when the soldiers of the first formation started to climb over the fence, the men behind easily saw what happened to them.

            The Union infantry waited for the Confederate to reach the road before pouring volleys into them. The gray ranks were withered by the Yanks’ deadly fire. Flags went down, as did scores of Virginians, Tennesseans, Marylanders, and the rest. When the second line reached the fences they found the ground covered with casualties. Some of the fellows noticed the safety which the sunken road provided. These veterans were not cowards; they could see what was happening to their brothers, and they were realists. Many hunkered down in the road’s comparative safety. The number of Company ‘I’ survivors suggests many went no farther than the fence line. Plus, it has been suggested that Captain Bass had been stunned by a nearby artillery blast and some of his friends stayed with him to tend to his needs.

            Others however, climbed over the fences and surged forward, following other courageous leaders, of whom there were plenty. They were gunned down in that final hundred yards between Emmitsburg Road at the stone wall of the Angle. I think very few got close to the stone wall. This part of the fight dissolved very quickly as the slaughter was rapid and merciless. The more prudent ones dropped to the ground, seeking shelter from the Federal’s lethal fire, and pretended to be dead. When the slaughter ended and the Yanks ceased fire, these survivors popped up their heads and waited for an opportunity to escape. Once the Union troops quit shooting and ventured out, away from the protection of their stone wall, many opportunist Confederates leaped to their feet and hustled back to the Confederate lines.

            It was at this time that the 7^th Tennessee’s Captain Archibald Norris (Co. ‘B’) made his escape. Norris was near where the 7^th’s battle flag had fallen. He had crawled over to the downed colors, ripped it off its wooden flag pole, and stuffed it into his jacket. When the shooting ceased, Norris jumped to his feet and ran, saving the unit’s sacred flag. Norris’ actions were save the only remaining flag of Archer’s Brigade. All the others were captured at this time.

            The following is the muster of Company ‘I’, 7^th Tennessee, dated July 3, 1863:

The 7^th Tennessee’s commander, 35-year-old Lt. Col. Sam Sheppard was troubled by his regiment’s poor condition. His soldiers’ usual daily rations were not much more than a pint of corn meal and an ounce or two of meat. Besides hunger, Sheppard’s troops were bothered by short supplies, pitiful clothing, paltry stocks of firewood, and the ever-present knowledge that the Union Army was gaining strength daily. The Tennesseans also had heard about the failure of their government’s peace commission at the end of January 1865. Furthermore, they were aware that the Confederate Congress had authorized the raising of black troops, an act, one soldier stated, that “created considerable despondency by showing us how little hope of success was entertained by the Confederate authorities.”

The 7^th Tennessee was organized in Lebanon, Tenn., and mustered into the Confederate Army on May 26, 1861. Its first colonel, Robert Hatton, had been killed at the Battle of Seven Pines shortly after being promoted to brigadier general. The regiment’s second commander had resigned, and the third colonel, John Fite, was captured during Pickett’s Charge. Sheppard had assumed leadership of the regiment following Gettysburg and had led the unit ever since. The 7^th Tennessee had a long history of courage and determination, as evidenced by its participation in every major battle in which the Army of Northern Virginia fought. The unit suffered 32 casualties at Gaines’ Mill, 46 at Cedar Run, 39 at Second Manassas, 33 at Sharpsburg, 23 at Fredericksburg, 34 at Chancellorsville, 152 during the Gettysburg campaign and 81 throughout 1864. The winter in the Petersburg trenches reduced the Tennessee unit by another 39. By April 2, 1865, only 134 survivors remained in the regiment.

The 7^th Tennessee was part of the brigade led by Brig. Gen. William McComb. The general was new to brigade command, having assumed leadership of the unit in late January 1865, a few months after the death of Brig. Gen. James Archer. McComb’s brigade contained survivors from nine different units: the 2^nd Maryland Battalion and the 1^st, 7^th, 14^th, 17^th, 23^rd, 25^th, 44^th and 63^rd Tennessee. On April 1, 1865, the brigade totaled 860 men and 87 officers.

McComb’s brigade was in Maj. Gen. Henry Heth’s division, which was part of Lt. Gen. Ambrose P. Hill’s III Corps. Heth’s division, consisting of four brigades, had been given the task of holding four miles of defensive trenches. Each of the brigades was allocated nearly a mile of front to defend. The defenders usually had about half of their men on the line at all times. It was a formidable duty from which there was no relief. One soldier wrote, “The men were required to keep on their accouterments and remain in the pits all the time. There was little rest to be had.”

As Sheppard and his Tennesseans waited for the Northerners’ onslaught on April 2, 1865, the Union masses were just 500 yards away. The Federals had nearly 14,000 men, commanded by Maj. Gen. Horatio Wright. Union artillery had been shelling the Confederate lines for most of the night. The Tennesseans could do little but remain vigilant. As one Confederate observed, “the men listened … and, although they said little, seemed to feel that the end was drawing near.”

At about 4:30 a.m., the troops in the Union VI Corps charged forward. Wright’s three divisions trampled over the thin screen of Confederate pickets, scrambled through the abatis and climbed onto the Southerners’ fortifications. The blue waves surged into the trenches and crashed into the brigades of Brig. Gens. William MacRae and Joseph Davis. Fierce hand-to-hand fighting erupted. MacRae’s Tar Heels and Davis’ Mississippians struggled with Yankees from Vermont, Pennsylvania and New York. The outcome was never in doubt. The Southern defenders were greatly outnumbered and quickly crushed.

The Union troops were exuberant; in little more than a quarter of an hour, they had captured nearly two miles of Confederate trenches and destroyed two brigades. MacRae’s brigade was forced out of the trenches after suffering the loss of 500 men. Davis’ brigade was not as fortunate. The Mississippians were trapped by the Federal attack and could not escape. Almost the entire brigade was lost.

By 5:00 a.m., there was enough light to see the severity of the situation. McComb’s brigade had been missed by the smallest of margins. Only the brigade’s left flank had been affected, and there the 17^th and the 23^rd Tennessee had fallen back 200 yards. Sheppard’s men could see the invaders in the Confederate trenches a half-mile away and the survivors of MacRae’s broken brigade retreating.

The resolute Tennesseans realized that the Union breakthrough had cut them off from the main Confederate army. To make matters worse, they learned that three other brigades were pulling out of the line and retreating to the northwest. That left only the small Tennessee brigade.

McComb ordered his men to face toward the northeast and attack. By this time the Union troops were sweeping through the Confederate trenches, capturing everything in their path. Sheppard called to the 7^th Tennessee. His regiment, howling fiercely, charged the mob of advancing Federals. A Tennessee rifleman remembered, “We were immediately formed in order of battle, and although our brigade at that time did not number more than six hundred, we were ordered to charge and retake the works.”

The men in McComb’s brigade rushed forward, the veterans of each tiny regiment clustering around their leaders. They struck the Federal with their usual fury and stunned the bluecoats. The Union soldiers recoiled and quickly fell back several hundred yards. Sheppard’s men crept forward, firing as they moved. The Tennesseans stopped when they reached the artillery position called Fort Archer, dropping down within its earthen walls. Their sudden attack had been successful. The Union advance had been stopped. Among the 7^th Tennessee casualties were Sergeant Hal Manson, who was hit and severely wounded in the leg, and Lieutenant Andrew Miller, with a wound to the chest. Miller’s injury could have been worse. He was saved from death by the fact that his folded blanket stopped much of the force of the bullet.

The embattled Confederates were facing three brigades of Brig. Gen. George Getty’s division, some 4,000 veterans. By 5:30 a.m., Getty was pushing a brigade against the Tennesseans and, at the same time, moved a second brigade to flank their position. The Confederate riflemen, aided by the artillery within Fort Archer, halted the Union brigade coming toward them. The Federals dropped to the ground, pinned there by McComb’s veterans. Getty later wrote, “The enemy resisted stoutly from a fort a few hundred yards in front of our left and fired several rounds of canister.”

But Sheppard’s men could do nothing to stop the flanking brigade. The Tennesseans knew that they would soon be surrounded. Many of the veterans slipped out of Fort Archer and fled to the west. However, about half of the men could not get away and were captured. One of the Tennesseans who could go no farther was Captain Marcus Walsh, who had been injured by a shell fragment. Another officer in the 7^th Tennessee, 1^st Lt. Tom Clemens, had been shot in the abdomen and was captured.

The survivors retreated about 200 yards, where Sheppard rallied the regiment. A quick count revealed that more than 30 of his precious veterans had been lost. Once the Confederates were organized, the troops fanned out in a thin skirmish line and prepared to engage the approaching Federals. The two sides began shooting at each other when the Union lines came within range. McComb, seeing that his tiny force had no chance against the massive assault, ordered the brigade to retreat to the safety of its trenches.

The Southerners maintained their line, forcing the bluecoats to approach cautiously. But within minutes, their retreat was stopped. Union brigades from Brig. Gen. Regis de Trobriand’s division had captured the Confederate trenches behind them and were now closing in on McComb’s men. The battered Tennessee Brigade was now pressed from both front and rear.

There was only one avenue of escape, a quick dash to the west and then across the bridge spanning Hatcher’s Run. This getaway might be accomplished if the Union II Corps could be halted long enough for the Southerners to break contact and flee. Twenty-five-year-old Captain Fergus Harris volunteered to lead his company of brigade sharpshooters against Trobriand’s men. The spunky Harris, a member of Company H, called to his sharpshooters, and they responded with a Rebel yell. The little band rushed at the wary Northerners, who halted, took cover and then opened fire. Most of the attackers were either shot down or captured, including Harris, who was wounded in the right leg.

Harris’ brave assault gave McComb’s survivors time to extract themselves from the tightening trap and hurry toward Hatcher’s Run. Unfortunately, the sacrifice was wasted. Union troops had already captured the bridge. The Federals swarmed across the bridge and fired at the Rebels, pushing them to the north. A veteran recalled, “We hastily withdrew, expecting to cross Hatcher’s Run, but we soon found the enemy had taken possession of the only bridge across the stream.” The Southerners scurried along the east bank of Hatcher’s Run, searching for a place to cross. They were dismayed to find that the river widened into a mill pond, several hundred yards in width. There was no place to go, so the determined veterans halted, put their backs to Hatcher’s Run and prepared to make a final stand.

There were now fewer than 100 men left in the 7^th Tennessee. They huddled together, close to Sheppard and their treasured battle flag. As thousands of Federals closed in, resistance began to crumble. Aggressive Yankees darted among the Confederates and snatched away their colors. During these last confusing moments, many Southerners pitched their weapons and gear into the water and swam to the other side of the mill pond. Angry Federals raced to the water’s edge and shot at the escaping Confederates.

Those remaining on the river’s edge resisted for a few more minutes. Then it was over. The gallant 7^th Tennessee surrendered, as did the men from the other regiments in McComb’s brigade. The Federals rounded up 40 of Sheppard’s men, including Captains John Sloan and Archibald Norris. On the muddy banks of the Hatcher’s Run the 7^th Tennessee had fired its last shots of the war. Although Sheppard and several dozen followers staggered on to Appomattox, few of them had weapons or equipment. They honored their regiment by participating in the official surrender, but the survivors had pitifully few arms to lie down. The regiment’s true end had occurred a week earlier at Hatcher’s Run.

The Calico Early Man Site is a possible Paleo-Indians lithic workshop for stone tools and a simple quarry archaeological site in the Mojave Desert. It is located 16 miles (26 km) northeast of Barstow, California in the Calico Mountains foothills, in San Bernardino County, California.

The Calico Early Man Site has three components of differing ages:(1) artifacts of the Lake Manix Lithic Industry found on and just below the surface at elevations greater than 543 m (1,781 ft), the shoreline elevation of a 236 km2 (91 sq mi) freshwater Pleistocene lake which emptied approximately 18,000 years ago.
(2) artifacts of the Calico Lithic Industry, recovered from nested Pleistocene alluvial deposits stratigraphically beneath a 100,000 year old soil profile: the deposits dated to 135,000 years by thermoluminescence (TL) and about 200,000 years by uranium-series analysis.
(3) The Rock Wren Biface, a large well-formed biface tool recovered from a younger nested-inset alluvial deposit at Calico: dated by sediment thermoluminescence (sediment TL) to 14,400 ±2,200 years year ago. A test pit located near the discovery location is currently being excavated and is yielding putative artifactual material.
Introduction
The stone tools of these industries, along with preforms, lithic core, technical flakes, and pieces of angular debitage, mainly of chalcedony, are found on and in late middle Pleistocene-age fanglomerates and younger inset alluvial terraces in the Calico Hills (also known as the Yermo Hills) east of the Calico Peaks and the Calico Mountains. The location is in the central portion of southern California’s Mojave Desert. Historically, this archaeological project has also been known as The Calico Mountains Archaeological Site and The Calico Hills Archaeological Site. Today, it is simply called The Calico Site.

Manix Basin
In most of the Great Basin region, Late Pleistocene and Holocene alluviation has effectively buried and sealed earlier Pleistocene sediments and possible evidence of pre-Clovis cultures. In the Manix Basin (Lower Mojave Valley) of San Bernardino County, California, however, a fortuitous ensemble of environmental factors relating to mountain building; climatically controlled conditions for lake formation, alluviation, and erosion; faulting and folding; and significant erosion of ancient lacustrine plain sediments by the modern drainage have rendered relatively accessible for archaeological investigation a series of deposits that represent more than 350,000 years of Quaternary history.

The Manix Basin, a structural basin in the central Mojave Desert, is the third and lowest major valley of the Mojave River, presently an exotic stream with episodic flow, which has its source in the San Bernardino Mountains, some 200 km (120 mi) to the southeast.

A freshwater lake developed in the basin about 400,000 – 500,000 years ago near to the Calico Archaeological Site. The lake was present until the late Pleistocene. The last high stand of Lake Manix was at 543 m (1,781 ft) and had a surface area of approximately 236 km2 (91 sq mi). This lake drained, probably catastrophically, approximately 18,100 years ago, probably as a result of a major increase in river inflow or tectonic movement on the Manix fault.[1]

Fossils
The lacustrine, fluvial, and alluvial sediments of the Pleistocene Manix Formation contain remains of numerous Rancholabrean animals ranging in age from approximately 20,000 years to well in excess of 350,000 years before present.[1] Fossils recovered from the section include: camel, horse, mammoth, saber-tooth cat, dire wolf, short-faced bear, coyote, flamingo, pelican, eagle, swan, geese, mallard duck, ruddy duck, canvas backed duck, double-rested cormorant, grebe, crane, seagull and stork.[1]

 Prehistoric tools
Thousands of rocks that bear a strong resemblance to prehistoric tools have been found at the site, both on the surface, and up to 8 m (26 ft) below the surface. Scientifically dated to over 200,000 BP, the excavated subsurface objects are many times older than the traditional date of the first human entry into the Americas, approximately 11,000 BP.

The Debate –  The debate centers on whether the “tools” were made by humans (i.e., artifacts), or through typical geological processes (i.e. geofacts). The general scientific consensus is that the subsurface items are geofacts.[2]

 In addition to formed tools, more than 60,000 lithic flakes or technical flakes and pieces of angular debitage (flintknapping debris) have been recovered from Master Pits I and II at Calico. The number of formed stone tools now exceeds 8,000 (as analysis and cataloging efforts continue. Tools in the Calico lithic assemblage were fashioned on cores, flakes, and blades. Most were fashioned by simple hard hammer percussion flaking and flint knapping, some were made using ground or lap anvils, including by bipolar techniques.

 Artifacts or geofacts?
The artifactual character of the Calico lithic assemblage has been questioned (Haynes 1973; Payen 1982a, 1982b; Taylor and Payen 1979; Duvall and Venner 1979). Haynes (1973) postulated that rock fracturing by tectonic stresses, weather, rock-on-rock percussion in streams and mudflows, pressure retouch of buried cobbles, and successive generations of flake removal and separation from cores through cycles of erosion and redeposition could have occurred during deposition of the alluvial deposits at Calico and produced specimens indistinguishable from artifacts.

However, such mechanisms do not frequently cause artifact-like fracturing. This is especially true with regard to the small, delicate flaking seen on light-duty tools such as burins, gravers, becs, denticulates, and reamers. Studies indicate that stream transport abrades and rounds rocks quickly; it does not dislodge artifact-like flakes by percussion. Streams are capable of generating only about 10 percent of the force needed to dislodge significant numbers of percussion flakes; forces in mudflows are lower due to viscosity. If streams produced pseudo-artifacts, dry streambeds would be littered with such specimens. They are not. The only contexts known to produce significant amounts of percussive flaking (and occasional pseudo-artifacts) are high-energy storm conditions on rocky beaches and certain types of rock falls (landslides and waterfalls).

Flake scar angles – Past Research
Payen (1982) studied flake scar angles as traits for distinguishing artifacts from geofacts. He tested a method developed by Barnes (1939) who had compared frequency of obtuse angles on eoliths, natural fractures, and artifacts. Barnes found obtuse angles on 72% of eoliths, 75% of natural fractures, and 18% of artifacts and concluded that “The flaked tools of an industry…may be considered to be of human origin if not more than 25% of the angles scar-platform are obtuse (90 degrees and over)” (Barnes 1939:111). Payen measured all flake angles on each Calico specimen in his sample. It is conceivable that flake scars were confused for striking platforms. Flaking from one side of a specimen can often remove earlier platform areas on the other side. Angles between two flake scars are different from angles between platforms and derivative flake scars.

Payen compared mean angle values for Calico specimens with those on specimens selected as representing controlled and uncontrolled fracture. He found that “Statistically, there is no significant difference between the sample of alleged tools and the uncontrolled fracture series.” (Payen 1982:200). Payen’s conclusion, however, does not follow unambiguously from his data. Neither Payen, nor Barnes, has established a single trait criterion for distinguishing artifacts from geofacts.[citation needed]

Duvall and Venner (1979:462) examined a sample of Calico artifacts and concluded they were form-selected examples of naturally flaked rocks. This assessment was based on variances in seven attributes (length, width, thickness, flake angle, medial axis angle lateral edge angle, and distal edge angle) and comparison with comparable attributes on specimens in eight Paleoindian collections reported by Wilmsen (1970). Wilmsen was concerned with differences in tool technologies and functions, not with distinguishing artifacts from geofacts.

Duvall and Venner demonstrated that the statistical techniques used in their testing bears on the question of the artifactuality of the Cakico specimens. They illustrate that the examined Calico tools are not from the same population as the non-bifacial tools and utilized flakes from certain Paleoindian sites. However, the Calico Lithic Industry is a morphological parallel of (and time-equivalent to) Old World Paleolithic industries, not to much more recent PaleoIndian industries.

Both the Duvall and Venner, and the Payen papers have been criticized by those supporting the pro-artifact argument.[3] However, the present consensus, as demonstrated by Duvall and Venner, is that there is no evidence of human activity at the Calico Early Man site. This consensus was developed based on a number of factors, including: The lack of other evidence of human activity (e.g. human or animal remains, or non-tool artifacts).
The deep antiquity of the site (the next oldest date for human artifacts in the Americas is 30,000 BP, and that date itself is controversial).
The sheer number of possible tools, up to 60,000 by one account.[4]
The research by Duvall and Venner, Payen, and others provided possible natural explanations for the stone objects.

 History of excavations at the Calico Early Man Site — Visitor center, June 2010In 1959 Louis Leakey, while at the British Museum of Natural History in London, received a visit from Ruth DeEtte Simpson, an archaeologist from California. Simpson had acquired what looked like ancient scrapers from a site in the Calico Hills and showed it to Leakey.

Leakey viewed it as important to study the Calico Hill site,[5] as he was convinced that the number and distribution of native languages in the Americas required more time than 12,000 years to evolve and acquire their current distribution.[6] The opportunity to test this theory came four years later in 1963, when Leakey obtained funds from the National Geographic Society and commenced archaeological excavations with Simpson. Mary Leakey did not share his visionary views.[5] However,Louis Leakey continued to visit the site several times a year and was connected with the project until his death in 1972. The site was taken over by California’s Bureau of Land Management and was opened to the public. It presently offers a visitor center, gift shop, and guided walking tour.

Notes
1.^ a b c http://www.calicodig.org/text?page=4 Calico Early Man Site: The Setting]
2.^ See Haynes, as one example. Published studies in peer-reviewed journals consistently support the “geofact” explanation.
3.^ Patterson, et al.
4.^ AmericanWest’s Calico Site Update
5.^ a b Morell, pp. 266-267.
6.^ Calico Site Update.
 References
Bischoff, J.L., R.J. Shlemon, T.L. Ku, R.D. Simpson, R.J. Rosenbauer, & F.E. Budinger, Jr., “1981 Uranium-series and Soils-geomorphic Dating of the Calico Archaeological Site, California”, Geology V9 (12), pp. 576-582.
Budinger Jr., Fred E., Oberlander, Theodore Calicodig.com “This web site describes and analyzes the Calico Archaeological Site and the Calico Lithic Industry”. With many stone object photos.
Debenham, N., (1998) Thermoluminescence Dating of Sediment from the Calico Site (California) (CAL1), Quaternary TL Surveys, Nottingham, United Kingdom, 1998.
Duvall, James G., and Venner, William Thomas, “A Statistical Analysis of the Lithics from the Calico Site (SBCM 1500A), California”, Journal of Field Archaeology, Winter 1979: Vol. 6, No. 4, pp. 455-462.
Haynes, Vance (1973) “The Calico Site: Artifacts or Geofacts?”, Science, vol. 181, no. 4097, July 27, 1973, pp. 305-310.
Morell, Virginia (1995) Ancestral Passions: The Leakey Family and the Quest for Humankind’s Beginnings, Simon & Schuster, pp. 266-267.
Payen, L., “Artifacts or geofacts at Calico: Application of the Barnes test,” in Peopling of the New World, Ericson J., Taylor, R., and Berger, R., eds. Los Altos, California: Ballena Press, 1982, pp. 193–201.
Patterson, Leland W.; Hoffman, Louis V.; Higginbotham, Rose Marie; Simpson, Ruth D. (1987) “Analysis of Lithic Flakes at the Calico Site, California”, in Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Spring, 1987), pp. 91-106.
AmericanWest’s North American Archaeology Section, Calico Site Update. “. . .over 60,000 tools and flakes have been collected”.
Friends of Calico Early Man Site; 2024 Orange Tree Lane, Redlands, CA 93474

This report is the analysis of a lake channel stratigraphic soil profile conducted by Baker High School students under the direction of William T. Venner. The soil profile was excavated approximately one half mile north of Baker, California, in a location where alluvial depositions from both the eastern and western drainages merge together at the southern terminus of Silver Lake.

ENVIRONMENT

The excavation was made in an alluvial spit in the lake channel, the drainage course connecting Soda Lake and Silver Lake. It lies along the axis of a pinch in a large structural depression between the Ivanpah Upland, Cima Dome and the Halloran complex to the east, and the Soda Mountains to the west.

Detritus is from three distinct sources: From the east, granitic arlcose (coarse feldspathic sand), gneiss and basalt clasts dominate. The area drained is much greater than the west-side watershed and reaches 4000-4500 feet.

To the west are the deeply eroded, but still structurally younger Soda Mountains. They contribute coarse detritus of mostly metamorphic rocks of great variety. The assemblages are distinctive and easily recognized. Maximum elevation at the watershed is about 3000-3400 feet.

The third source of sediment is Soda Lake itself; it is being dissected at its southern extremity by headwater erosion of the lake channel, contributing to the deposition of silt, clay, and evaporates.

SEDIMENTOLOGY

The excavation was made in an area where the different facies of a modern desert-basin sedimentary pile could be found in inter-tonguing relationship. In the Baker depression there are three main facies; they are described above. They are referenced to here as the Halloran, Soda Mountain, and playa facies, respectively.

The Halloran facies is fed directly into the channel by washes draining the great pediment ascending from Baker to the basalt flows east-northeastward. The washes run water on the average of four to six times a year and carry relatively well-sorted sand winnowed out of a granitic-detritus alluvial fan.

The Soda Mountain facies is fed into the channel along short and steep gradients; the washes flow only a few times annually, some years—not at all, under the impetus of severe local storms. They carry large quantities of coarse fragments and sand made up of quartz, feldspars, biotite, and various particles of fine grained metamorphic rocks.

The playa facies originates from the south from degradation of the lake channel itself as well as dissection of parts of Soda Lake. The evaporates originate in main from the lake, which is the terminal sump of the Mojave River.

ANALYSIS

The transport indicators point north, downstream towards Silver Lake. Material deposited in the channel is periodically scoured and redistributed by floods, accounting for the alternating layers of sands, clays, and gravels in sub-units 1-4 (su-1 to su-4). In all cases the material, regardless of facies, is moved to the north.

The color changes at the base of su-4 coincides with a change in lithology. The clasts increase radically in maximum size, beds thicken, and Anadonta fragments (indicators of fresh-water lake environments) appear.

Erosion was apparently more vigorous in the interval of deposition of su-5 and  su-6 than it is today. Su-6 has the texture and appearance of a mud flow. It is wholly unsorted and at least a foot thick. The alluvium overlying su-6 could have been only deposited by a strong stream or flood carrying abundant coarse rock. It is quite possibly that this elastic wedge represents deformation of the basin floor with respect to the Soda Mountains, since almost all of the larger fragments examined correlate with rock types presently exposed in those mountains, and that many of the stream valley profiles in the Sodas show evidence of entrenchment after a period of stability (Gneiss Hills, Tunnel Canyon area). Also, the modern playas themselves tend to be crowded against hills or steep escarpments on the west side of the basin, and grade more gradually into a vast, concave-profile pediment-alluvial fan eastwards. This arrangement suggests down-dropping in the not-too-distant past at the west edge of the depression by warping, faulting, or both.